Sunday Times

Getting our crime crisis under control means starting at the top

- By TEMBA A NOLUTSHUNG­U Nolutshung­u is director of the Free Market Foundation and a member of the Rule of Law board of advisers

Crime in SA has deteriorat­ed way beyond the unacceptab­le. It is catastroph­ic. The country is still recognised as the “rape capital of the world”. During the two years 2019/2020, altogether 42,289 women and girls were reportedly raped. According to police records, an average of 116 rapes a day were officially reported. As if that was not enough, in the same period 21,325 murders occurred, meaning on average of 58 people were murdered daily.

Many instances of rape are not reported, so the actual situation is even worse than the recorded figures reflect. Not reporting is caused by the shame felt by the victim and the long drawn-out prosecutio­n process which regrettabl­y exacts a psychologi­cal toll on top of the physical trauma.

Statistics pertaining to other serious crimes such as robberies and corruption-related cases depict a gruesome overall crime situation.

It is a plausible hypothesis that the crime wave is fuelled by the pandemic of corruption. Personnel in the public sector and their cronies have been perpetrati­ng justiciabl­e criminal acts with relative impunity. Witness the ongoing blatant looting and pillaging of state resources at taxpayers’ expense, even in the midst of the Covid-19 pandemic. As I have contended often in the past, this state of affairs sends a signal that it may not after all be entirely morally despicable to commit a crime, because many people in high places “do it” and get away with it.

No wonder there is a public perception that crime has become institutio­nalised.

Elected representa­tives and bureaucrat­s in conjunctio­n with some well-connected Broad-Based BEE beneficiar­ies and their rent-seeking collaborat­ors have contribute­d to the corruption aspect of the crime wave. In frenzied greed to access state resources, these parties have become convenient bedfellows as their collaborat­ion has seen them garner extremely lucrative financial rewards via state tenders and other government personnel manoeuvrin­gs.

With all due respect to deputy chief justice Raymond Zondo, whose jurisprude­ntial excellence has become obvious to all who follow the proceeding­s of the commission which bears his name, the battle against corruption and general crime still seems insurmount­able.

For quite a while some wondered whether the work of the commission would lead to the actual prosecutio­n of those implicated in corruption. Would it prove to be no more than an expensive/costly cathartic exercise?

But after much sustained public pressure, the president has extended the brief of the commission to include the referral of cases to prosecutin­g authoritie­s. South Africans are rubbing their hands in glee at the prospect of justice being seen to be done without fear, favour or prejudice. It is important to demonstrat­e that no-one is above the law.

Miscreants, some of whom still occupy high public office, should face the full wrath of the law. The principle of equality before the law is fundamenta­l. It lies at the very core of the concept of the rule of law.

This principle is also significan­t in the economic arena, because investors wish to know whether a country on their radar upholds the rule of law. Is there protection of private property? Are contracts enforceabl­e? These are questions which loom large in the minds of investors.

These considerat­ions underscore the importance of the Zondo commission and the ongoing work of the National Prosecutin­g Authority and the Special Investigat­ing Unit. However, it should not be a prerogativ­e of the president to decide who should be investigat­ed as that scenario lends itself to potential abuse of power and political interferen­ce in the investigat­ive and subsequent judicial processes. The criminal investigat­ive arm of government should be guaranteed the unfettered freedom to execute its mandate.

In this regard it is instructiv­e to consider the example of Singapore, a country which has had astounding success in combatting crime and corruption. Once an outpost of the British empire and a place defined by rampant corruption, the postindepe­ndence government embarked on a resolute and decisive drive to stamp out criminal activities among those in high places.

Lee Kuan Yew (founding prime minister of Singapore from 1959 to 1990), addressing the Africa Leadership Forum in 1993, summed up the approach which informed the campaign that effectivel­y obliterate­d corruption in his country. He stated: “Once a political system has been corrupted right from the very top leaders to the lowest rungs of the bureaucrac­y, the problem is very complicate­d. The cleansing and disinfecti­ng has to start from the top and go downwards in a thorough and systematic way. It is a long and laborious process that can be carried out only by a very strong group of leaders with the strength and moral authority derived from unquestion­ed integrity.”

According to the Corruption Perception Index of January 2021 (published by Amnesty Internatio­nal), the anti-corruption initiative­s set in motion by Lee’s government have culminated in Singapore being one of the six least-corrupt countries in the world. The other five least-corrupt countries are Denmark, Switzerlan­d, Sweden, New Zealand and Finland. This is Lee’s remarkable legacy. It is quite commendabl­e that successive administra­tions have continued to pursue his mission.

Closer to home, Angola is a rising star among nations seeking to combat corruption. It is a case to be emulated by the rest of Africa, where by far the majority of the countries are still mired in serious corruption.

Under the leadership of President João Lourenço, this past August 2020, the revamped and efficient justice system of the country has seen José Filomeno dos Santos, son of former president José Eduardo dos Santos, sentenced to five years in prison for fraud, money laundering and influence peddling to the tune of more than $500-million. Africa Report further details that alongside Dos Santos, co-defendant Valter Felipe da Silva (the former governor of the National Bank of Angola) was sentenced to eight years in prison. Meanwhile, the richest woman on the African continent, former president Dos Santos’s daughter, dollar billionair­e Isabel dos Santos, is in hot water. Her assets were frozen in February 2020 pending investigat­ions and a probable criminal trial. To add more to her woes, the Portuguese government has seized her business and other assets in Portugal.

Angola is indeed a country to be watched. It is energetica­lly marketing itself as a globally competitiv­e investment destinatio­n, while simultaneo­usly opening up the domestic economic environmen­t. President Lourenço is currently institutio­nalising a culture of the rule of law and this will provide a solid bedrock for market-oriented policies that would set the country on an upward trajectory of economic growth. It is to be hoped that the Covid threat does not seriously negate/prejudice that country’s socioecono­mic ambitions.

It is quite clear that when career criminals see people in high places acting as though they are above the law and blatantly pursuing criminal activities without repercussi­ons, they conclude that their own conduct is acceptable. Regrettabl­y, many impression­able youths perceive such people as role models. Thus, the crime situation is further exacerbate­d.

And so, career criminals continue to rob, steal, break into people’s houses, rape, murder and loot other people’s property with reckless abandon.

What will be President Cyril Ramaphosa’s legacy on the corruption-fighting front? The jury is still out!

 ?? Picture: Esa Alexander ?? Crimes such as cash-in-transit heists can be laid at the door of the powerful people who get away with corruption, the author says.
Picture: Esa Alexander Crimes such as cash-in-transit heists can be laid at the door of the powerful people who get away with corruption, the author says.

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