Proxy war uses up all ANC oxygen

TWO weekends from now, thousands of delegates from across the country — ANC head honchos as well as the party’s sympathisers in business, labour and civil society — will gather at Nasrec, south of Johannesburg, for the party’s policy conference.

The gathering is regarded as second only to the national elective conference in terms of its importance on the ANC’s political calender. But does it really matter? In the build-up to the conference, the ANC has spent almost every Sunday for the past few months holding press conferences to discuss policy proposals.

It has also held consultative meetings with representatives of various sectors, canvassing their views on proposed changes.

However, the press conferences — religiously broadcast live by South Africa’s three 24-hour news channels — have almost always ended up focusing instead on the ongoing leadership squabbles in the party.

There seems to be little interest from journalists or the public in what the ANC proposes to do if it continues in government beyond the 2019 elections.

And who can blame them, what with all the scandals arising from the #GuptaEmails leaks as well as the verbal skirmishes that now seem to break out every day?

The situation is not helped by the fact that ANC leaders themselves do not see the policy conference for what it is supposed to be.

They see it as a dry run for the real thing, the elective conference. They see it as a platform on which to test their strength ahead of the big fight.

Hence, instead of searching for real solutions to the challenges facing our country — slow economic growth, rising unemployment and poverty levels and the widening gap between rich and poor — the obsession is about whose slogans win the day with delegates.

This was the case at the party’s policy conference in 2007, when the pro- and anti-Jacob Zuma factions fought over who should be “the centre of political power” between Luthuli House and the Union Buildings.

It was the case again, five years later, when Zuma supporters fought it out with those who wanted his then deputy, Kgalema Motlanthe, to take over as president.

That time the proxy war was over the term “second transition”.

In both cases, the pro-Zuma camp won the fights — a strong indication that he would emerge the victor at both ensuing elective conferences.

Expect “radical economic transformation” and “inclusive growth” to be the buzzwords at this year’s policy conference as Zuma’s supporters fight a proxy war with those who want Deputy President Cyril Ramaphosa to take over from him.

The ruling party will once again miss the opportunity to thoroughly and honestly interrogate its policies and whether it is bringing the country closer to the “better life for all” promise of 1994.

But even if the policy conference is dominated by real policy debates, who is to say that whatever is agreed upon there will be implemented?

Judging by recent developments, it is no longer a given that what the governing party wants becomes government policy.

More often than not, these days, the party comes across as being as powerless as any of South Africa’s NGOs and lobby groups when it comes to influencing government decisions.

Just this week, the party had to ask for an “urgent meeting” with Mineral Resources Minister Mosebenzi Zwane for him “to clarify” the mining charter he released amid opposition from the sector and other players.

Party spokesman Zizi Kodwa said the ANC was “very concerned” about the impact the charter “could have in terms of employment, given that the mining sector lost 60 000 jobs over the last five years”.

Now, if Zwane’s move — a major policy shift — was not sanctioned by the party that supposedly deployed him to parliament and the government — who did sanction it?

And if the governing party’s policy positions get overruled somewhere else outside of parliament and other constitutionally recognised structures, are its policy conference resolutions worth the paper they are written on? Seemingly not. Peter Bruce’s column will resume on July 2