Molifi

DA because it still pursues old type liberational politics.

As the years go by, the EFF will lose its revolutionary appeal among the black majority, especially if the ANC loses power in 2019, unless it diversifies itself to reach out to nonblack voters.

The DA grows because it diversifies itself.

The biggest threat to the EFF is a workers’ party, as considered by the new trade union federation Saftu, unless it reconfigures itself into one or forms a political alliance with a trade union federation, akin to Cosatu and the ANC, to tap into the working class as a revolutionary force.

The Zille matter was a blessing in disguise for Maimane on two fronts. First, it presented him with an opportunity to come out of Zille’s shadow and assert his authority as a leader, as explained. He has passed his first litmus test of leadership.

Second, the matter presented Maimane with an opportunity to declare war on racism within the party.

Taking his cue from Nelson Mandela to present himself as a national unifier, Maimane cannot preach reconciliation on one hand and filter out those with whom he disagrees on the other hand. As a leader, his challenge is to convince them to buy into his vision. In other words, Zille has to be part of his 2019 project.

It was, therefore, in the best interests of both parties to find a balancing act following Maimane’s premature announcement that the DA had suspended Zille.

The announcement prejudiced Zille, as DA chairperson James Selfe had served her with a letter to explain why the party should not suspend her. It painted a picture that the party had already found her guilty without following due processes.

Since his election as DA leader, Maimane has proved himself as a leader that South Africa needs post President Jacob Zuma, who EFF deputy president and chief whip Floyd Shivambu described as “a post-colonial disaster” during a motion of no confidence in him in November 2016.

Maimane’s understanding of the state of affairs within the continent, especially the SADC region, as seen by his recent visit to Zambia to support arrested opposition party leader Hakainde Hichilema, and the role that South Africa, as the leader of the continent, should play adds to his merits as a leader that South Africa needs.

The Zille matter was also a blessing in disguise for the DA. It is not immune to factionalism.

The difference between the DA and the ANC is that the former is in co-operative and competitive phases of factionalism, whereas the latter is in degenerative factionalism.

Co-operative factionalism, which centres on racism, and co-operative factionalism, centred on a difference that Maimane wants to take the DA away from, is where he and Zille fundamentally differ.

Meanwhile, degenerative factionalism has partitioned the ANC to a point of decisional stalemates. A typical example in this regard is a motion of no confidence in Zuma that reached a second stalemate last month. Hence, the ANC has technically split in the run-up to its fifth national policy conference and 54th national elective conference. Tshabalala is an independent political analyst