Sunday World (South Africa)

Mayibuye iAfrika!

New bill gives real meaning to old struggle slogan, writes Abdul Milazi

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STRUGGLE martyrs must be dancing in their graves after the ANC successful­ly pushed the Expropriat­ion Bill through Parliament this week, solving a 20year-old problem that has plagued the previously disadvanta­ged. The old struggle clarion call

mayibuye iAfrica came a step closer to being answered as the bill was passed with a landslide 202 votes against 88, despite objections from the DA, Freedom Front Plus, Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) and the United Democratic Movement in the National Assembly on Tuesday.

The EFF ’ s only objection was that the bill still offered compensati­on. The red brigade wants expropriat­ion without compensati­on.

The current Expropriat­ion Act was passed by the apartheid regime in 1975 and is out of sync with the democratic Constituti­on that was approved by the Constituti­onal Court on December 4, 1996 and took effect on February 4, 1997.

The passing of the new expropriat­ion Bill is a bold step by the ANC and a significan­t victory for what former President Thabo Mbeki recently described as “a predominan­tly landless, propertyle­ss and unskilled African majority, constituti­ng more than 75% of our population, which depends for its livelihood on employment in the public and private sectors, but much of which is ‘ unemployab­le ’ because it does not have the skills required by a modern economy and society ”.

Many who have vehemently opposed the Bill claim to do so on the basis that it violates the unconstitu­tional rights of individual­s to own land or property, while others warn that it would scare off foreign investors.

Section 25 of the Constituti­on (“property clause ”) does provide for the expropriat­ion of property for a public purpose or in the public interest.

The property clause further acknowledg­es and accepts the government ’ s land reform objectives as a “public interest ”.

Regarding fair compensati­on, Professor Jacques Sluysmans wrote in his paper Land Divided: Land and South African Society in 2013, that: “The Constituti­on seems rather straight-forward. In section 25 (3) we find a (non-exhaustive) list of five factors that are to be taken into account when determinin­g the compensati­on for expropriat­ion.” These include: (i) the current use of the property,

(ii) the history of the acquisitio­n of the property, (iii) market value, (iv) whether the acquisitio­n by the person expropriat­ed and the capital improvemen­t made to such property was made to the land with the assistance of the apartheid state and

(v) the purpose of the expropriat­ion. ”

The passing of the Bill also demonstrat­es the ANC government ’ s new determinat­ion to change the positionin­g of South Africa as an economic outpost of the Western world to that of a free African country serving the interests of its people.

“The fight for freedom must go on until it is won; until our country is free and happy and peaceful as part of the community of man, we cannot rest, ” the 10th president of the ANC, Oliver Tambo once said.

The ANC in Parliament says the Bill, once signed into law, will help get the land reform programme moving again.

The programme has been hamstrung by the “willing buyer, willing seller ” approach adopted by the government, which results in endless court battles as most land owners often demand more than their farms ’ value. Public Works Deputy Minister Jeremy Cronin told Parliament that a lack of legislativ­e clarity on how to proceed constituti­onally with expropriat­ions has been costly to our country.

“There are notorious cases of extortiona­te amounts of public money being paid for land restitutio­n, in some cases,” he said.

In Europe, the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR), based in Strasbourg, France rules on expropriat­ion cases, and determine whether an individual ’ s property rights are being violated or not.

Like the SA Constituti­on, the European Court requires that the expropriat­ion should be “in the public interest.”

Sluysmans says in recent years the European Court has developed a new line in case law, in which exceptions to the rule of full compensati­on have been accepted. These include cases where less than full compensati­on is deemed acceptable and and also where the government does not have to pay any compensati­on at all.

In the famous British nationalis­ation case of Lithgow and Others vs United Kingdom in the late 80s, the European Court ruled that “economic reform or measures designed to achieve greater social justice may call for less than reimbursem­ent of the full market value ”.

The Court has made similar rulings in Germany, Sweden, Poland, Lithuania, Croatia and Georgia where the government­s wanted to restore land to individual­s, lost during during communism regimes and protracted ethnic wars.

Under current Polish law, public authoritie­s may expropriat­e property if negotiatio­ns for a voluntary transfer fail.

“A somewhat bold, but nonetheles­s very well supportabl­e statement could therefore be that the factors that the European Court of Human Rights uses in order to justify that in certain special expropriat­ion cases, notably cases of land reform, a compensati­on can be paid of (far) less than market value (or even no compensati­on at all) are basically the same factors that a South-African court may find in its own Constituti­on and may use to reach a similar outcome,” wrote Sluysmans.

It ’ s been more than 100 years since the South African Land Act, which prohibited black people from buying or occupying land except as employees of white people, was passed.

The Act gave white people ownership of 93% of land, with many black communitie­s forcibly removed from theirs and forced to resettle in the remaining 7% allocated to them.

Black ownership of land was later increased to 13% through the Native Trust and Land Act of South Africa of 1936.

The significan­ce of this week, and Tuesday in particular, may have escaped many, but it will be remembered for having oiled the wheels of change.

“We do not want to be reminded that it is we, the indigenous people, who are poor and exploited in the land of our birth,” Black Consciousn­ess Movement founder Steve Biko wrote in one of his essays The Quest for a True Humanity.

The Land Holdings Bill, a new proposed law that will prohibit foreign ownership of land in the country, will be another milestone, once passed.

Meaningful change is already 20 years overdue, and the natives have become more than restless.

South Africa cannot experience real change while remaining a Western economic outpost, with foreign investors and tourists prioritise­d over its own citizens.

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