The Citizen (Gauteng)

Held hostage in marriage

- Waheeda Amien This article was originally published on The Conversati­on.

South Africa’s constituti­on allows for laws to be passed that recognise religious and traditiona­l marriages as well as personal and family law systems. These are systems that regulate marriage, divorce and matters affecting children – including guardiansh­ip, custody, access, maintenanc­e and inheritanc­e.

This is a radical departure from the colonial and apartheid era, when South Africa’s common law definition of marriage was seen simply as a union between one man and one woman. In other words, a legal marriage in South Africa was characteri­sed by heteronorm­ativity and monogamy. Same-sex marriages and potentiall­y polygynous marriages were excluded from the legal definition of marriage. This affected African customary marriages, Muslim marriages, Jewish marriages and Hindu marriages, which are all potentiall­y polygynous.

The situation changed in the post-1994 democratic era. A law was passed in 1998 that afforded African customary marriages full legal recognitio­n. And the Civil Union Act made marriages between same-sex couples legally possible.

Yet, potentiall­y polygynous marriages such as Muslim marriages, Hindu marriages and Jewish marriages have not yet been afforded legal recognitio­n. This failure is tantamount to saying that religious marriages are inferior and less deserving of legal protection. It infringes the rights to dignity, freedom of religion and equality of spouses in religious marriages and children born within those marriages.

Women are particular­ly badly affected. Take the case, for instance, of a Muslim wife who has a substantia­lly smaller estate than her husband. She could be left financiall­y destitute should the marriage end in divorce. Yet, she has no recourse under South African law because her marriage is not legally recognised.

Muslim women are also at a disadvanta­ge because polygyny isn’t regulated. This means that men can enter into subsequent marriages without their knowledge. Women also have difficulty accessing a Muslim divorce, even though their right to divorce is recognised under Islamic law. This results in them being held hostage in unwanted marriages.

The fact that the absence of laws pertains to minority religions in South Africa – Muslims make up 2% of South Africa’s population, Hindus 1% and Jews 0.2% – is no excuse for the failure of government to protect them.

This article deals mainly with the challenges facing Muslim women, which is the subject of a court challenge.

There have been numerous efforts to afford recognitio­n to Muslim marriages. None, however, have been successful.

The first was in 2003 when the South African Law Reform Commission submitted the Muslim Marriages Bill to the ministry of justice and constituti­onal developmen­t.

The Bill followed substantiv­e consultati­ons with the Muslim community and civil society. But it was viewed as unIslamic by some clergy, which meant it was shelved.

This was followed by an attempt on the part of the Commission on Gender Equality and the department of justice and constituti­onal developmen­t, which drafted the Recognitio­n of Religious Marriages Bill. The Bill recommende­d recognitio­n of all religious marriages. There were no considerab­le consultati­ons around the Bill, which meant that it didn’t elicit much support.

After years of inaction, a concerted campaign by a civil rights group, the Womens’ Legal Centre Trust, led to the department of justice and constituti­onal developmen­t finally turning its attention to the Muslim Marriages Bill. In 2010, an amended version of the Bill was approved by Cabinet. This meant that it could enter the parliament­ary process.

But this has still not happened. The ministry of home affairs appears unwilling to table the Bill because there’s less support for it – changes were made without consultati­on with the Muslim community – as well as the fact that it flouts the commitment to gender equality under the constituti­on. For example, the Bill does not afford equal rights to divorce between Muslim women and men, to the disadvanta­ge of women.

Lack of support for the amended Bill may appear to be a reasonable justificat­ion for not pursuing it in parliament. But it does not explain the delay in enacting the Bill prior to 2010, when the 2003 version of the Bill appeared to have support among many of the Muslim clergy.

The delay may point to a lack of political will on the part of government.

Challenges

The legislativ­e options on the table would ensure women were better protected. But they also pose challenges.

The recommenda­tion by the Recognitio­n of Religious Marriages Bill for self-regulation of religious marriages means that existing discrimina­tory religious rules and practices could be allowed to continue within religious communitie­s.

At the same time, the Bill’s recommenda­tion that dissolutio­n of religious marriages must be regulated through the Divorce Act could ensure formal equality between spouses. Yet, it might not engender substantiv­e equality since it wouldn’t regulate existing discrimina­tory religious divorce rules and practices.

While Muslim, Hindu and Jewish wives could obtain a civil divorce through the Bill, they may be constraine­d from getting a religious divorce. They would, therefore, be deemed to still be married under religious law, thus preventing them from concluding further religious marriages. Yet, their husbands would be able to enter subsequent marriages due to the polygynous nature of their religious marriages.

In contrast, the Muslim Marriages Bill recognises existing Muslim rules and practices, including discrimina­tory ones. But it purports to regulate them in a way that affords protection to women.

For example, the Bill proposes to regulate polygyny in accordance with the Qur’anic precept of equality and requires existing wives to be notified of their husbands’ intention to marry again.

The Bill further purports to regulate a man’s right to arbitraril­y divorce his wife by requiring him to follow due process. Moreover, the Bill recognises various forms of Muslim divorce, including those available to women under Islamic law. If enacted, it would allow women to enforce Islamic law rights that they are presently unable to access.

The Bill, therefore, potentiall­y offers more protection for women than they otherwise have as a result of nonrecogni­tion of their Muslim marriages.

Unprecende­nted

The Women’s Legal Centre Trust has again launched an applicatio­n asking the Western Cape High Court to compel government to recognise Muslim marriages. The matter has been set down for August 28, 2017.

This is an unpreceden­ted case and its outcome will have far-reaching consequenc­es.

Will the judiciary have the courage to act where government has thus far failed?

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