The Citizen (KZN)

DA’s flirtation with polarisati­on

- Mukoni Ratshitang­a Ratshitang­a is a consultant, social and political commentato­r (mukoni@interlinke­d.co.za)

No sooner had the Democratic Alliance’s (DA) electoral review panel report been released this week, than Mmusi Maimane resigned as party leader, along with Athol Trollip.

Among the panel’s raft of recommenda­tions is that the party convenes an early congress “to allow for the election of a new leader”; a no-confidence statement which undoubtedl­y secured Maimane’s resignatio­n on Wednesday.

The report is a reposition­ing programme of action which is already having an impact on the party, as it will the tone and substance of South African politics.

Consider at least two issues – redress policy and the thorny subject of race and racism.

“Opportunit­y policies and redress policies,” reads the report, “can and should be pursued, provided they are targeted at individual­s, not groups.”

The word “groups” is, in this context, a euphemism for “race groups”. Elsewhere, it bemoans so-called “race-based redress policy” and asserts that “the party has adopted certain policy positions [on BEE, for example] that compromise, or at least flex, a clear applicatio­n of its core principles”.

Its nifty qualificat­ions notwithsta­nding, the report gives with one hand and takes with the other. So, whereas “it doesn’t help to accuse black South Africans who want the material and emotional consequenc­e of apartheid acknowledg­ed and addressed of being racial nationalis­ts”, which is precisely what the DA does, demographi­c representa­tivity “is profoundly at odds with the DA’s philosophy in that it is premised on the idea that people are not individual­s, but rather iterations of a larger entity”.

As a result, “it should have no place in the DA”.

The authors of the report counsel the party to aim redress “at people who currently suffer disadvanta­ge as a consequenc­e of past discrimina­tion and does not use race as a proxy for disadvanta­ge”. On the face of it, this sounds laudable. Except that ours is a country which, for more than 350 years, conferred privilege and disadvanta­ge according to race.

For the majority of South Africans, privilege and disadvanta­ge remain race-based, with gender, geographic location and class as accentuati­ng factors. Public policy measures which, at best, gloss over this reality and deny it at worst, provoke suspicions about their real intentions.

They pretend that our fault lines have no historical origins, that we can construct the present

and the future without considerat­ion of the past and how it impacts on the here and now.

Like the proverbial ostrich, the DA review labours under the misguided view that the less historicis­ed the fault lines, the faster they will evaporate like the morning dew. Or is it just ostriching?

In her 2001 US-published book,

Whiteness Just Isn’t What It Used To Be: White Identity in a Changing South Africa, University of the Witwatersr­and academic Melissa Steyn pointed out that the “desire to close the discussion on the past is one strand within a general pattern of denial. The appeal to let sleeping dogs lie hides the crucial issue of which dogs are still holding onto the bones”.

The report narrowly analyses racism in the DA and, by implicatio­n, society in general. “Many conflicts over race,” it asserts, “are a consequenc­e of a lack of understand­ing and empathy.”

But, the lack of understand­ing and empathy is a manifestat­ion of a racist socialisat­ion; a feature of the ideational pillars of a colonial and apartheid political economy of white privilege, on the one hand, and black dispossess­ion and disadvanta­ge on the other.

There is required a no-holdsbarre­d confrontat­ion of racism at an ideational level and commitment to rewrite the unequal social relations that perpetuate two nations – one black and predominan­tly poor and the other white and generally well off – in one polity.

“Selecting or promoting people simply on the basis of their race or other demographi­c characteri­stics is a violation of the DA’s values; on the other hand, lists and caucuses that are not diverse and undermine the DA’s claim to be a party for all South Africans.”

An admission that in an attempts to project a nonracial image, the DA promoted people on the basis of race, perhaps?

Be that as it may, the challenge is that for its denialism of the legacy of colonialis­m and apartheid, which inspires a fightback against redress measures, the DA can only attract and retain black people whose pedigree is a continuum of past collaborat­ion with the colonial and apartheid projects.

Despite the mistakes and excesses of the governing party, no political party can gain sustainabl­e traction without committing to redress.

Maimane fell out of favour because he trod where angels feared to, upsetting the apple cart through calls for black economic empowermen­t, “confront[ing] white privilege and black poverty”, taking umbrage at the Schweizer-Reneke school incident and differing with the party’s knight in shining armour, Helen Zille, over her colonialis­m tweets. “How dare he?” is an obvious point of anxiety in sections of the DA’s suburban stronghold­s.

And disingenui­ty is galore. The report discusses the demise of the National Party (NP) with nary a mention of the fact that in the five years after 1994, the DA’s forerunner, the Democratic Party (DP), positioned itself to the right of the NP.

It consequent­ly benefitted from the NP’s haemorrhag­e in the 1999 elections as supporters of the party of apartheid found a new home in a supposedly liberal DP.

So, when the Freedom Front Plus poached 2% from the DA’s support in the May general election, it was merely paying the latter with its own currency.

The report is a telling reset of the DA to its “fightback” posture of the era of Tony Leon, one of the report’s authors notes.

The DA must, as a consequenc­e, mobilise white SA into a laager, with profound implicatio­ns for the tone and substance of social and political discourse, practical questions of policy and consensus building on the pressing challenges of the day; especially on the socioecono­mic front.

Viewed from this vantage point, the DA’s review is a dalliance with social and political polarisati­on; one which its authors might, in the fullness of time, come to regret.

Report narrowly analyses racism in the DA

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