The Herald (South Africa)

Need will to stop corruption

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SOUTH Africans started to be tolerant of corruption or financial mismanagem­ent during the time of Nelson Mandela’s presidency.

First it was the issue of Stella Sigcau, a former bantustan leader, who was implicated in corruption by Bantu Holomisa in the Transkei.

The accusation by Holomisa at the Truth And Reconcilia­tion Commission was that Sigcau pocketed money corruptly, from the then casino magnate, Sol Kerzner.

The scandal that followed was Sarafina 2 that embroiled Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma, by being complacent in the squanderin­g of millions of public funds.

Sarafina 2 was followed by the arms deal that took years to be “investigat­ed”.

In the Xhosa language there is a saying that goes like this, “inkqayi ingena ngentlontl­o ”–a big thing starts small.

Sigcau was implicated for only R50 000, Sarafina 2 was said to have involved R13-million, while the arms deal is alleged to have involved bribery of officials through kickbacks.

The initial transgress­ions were always seen as mere rumblings of competitor­s, the liberal press, minority opposition parties and disgruntle­d comrades.

What people did not consider was the corrosive nature of corruption in a society.

As the leaders were sanitising one scandal after the other, the undergroun­d world was upping the stakes in the art of looting.

By the time the Nkandla scandal started, the public was already well programmed to accept certain levels of corruption or financial mismanagem­ent of public resources as nothing exceptiona­l, but a norm.

Those who were instrument­al in leading our people to tolerate corruption were not aware of the long-term damaging effects of corruption. Corruption impedes developmen­t.

A country that is required to use sparingly every available cent, to reverse decades of socio-economic backlogs, cannot afford to tolerate corruption.

Corruption is making steady progress in dividing and polarising our society.

Serious fraud and commerce-related statutory offences are at record-breaking levels.

In the government, procuremen­t and related corruption at all levels and at the parastatal­s are a norm.

Many other new crimes that were unfamiliar in South Africa are on the rise, such as drug traffickin­g, organised crime, street gangs, human traffickin­g, precious metal smuggling, serious and complex financial criminalit­y.

Even some conservati­ve elements of businesses, like banks and listed blue chip private companies, are also fleecing the population and the public purse, in all manner of ways.

One has to answer the question: why does crime flourish in a country that has a host of institutio­ns with mandates of investigat­ing and curbing these crimes?

They include the South African Police Service (SAPS), and the directorat­e for priority crime investigat­ion (DPCI), which is made up of the special investigat­ion unit (SIU), the public protector, the asset forfeiture unit (AFU), the National Prosecutio­n Authority (NPA) and many others.

Despite this arsenal, the criminals are a few steps ahead of all of those state institutio­ns.

The sophistica­tion of South Africa’s criminal underworld seems even to outmanoeuv­re the National Intelligen­ce Agency (NIA).

The ultimate penalty is going to be paid by the citizens once the police system collapses totally. We will see a reign of terror such as was prevalent in Uganda and other African countries.

Once the police force is totally overrun by criminals, then the politician­s follow suit and run a tin pot dictatorsh­ip.

The dictators might fan internal strife and start cross-border wars as they try to deflect their weakness. Corruption is a risk to a nation’s territoria­l sovereignt­y.

The independen­ce of the state is quickly lost to modernday mercenarie­s who carry briefcases and laptops, and dispossess the nation of its resources, without firing a shot.

Their only investment is to bribe the leaders and they run the country for them.

Shaazka Beyerle, a good friend of mine from the US, in her book published in 2014, Curtailing Corruption – People Power for Accountabi­lity & Justice, writes that the World Bank has identified corruption as one of the greatest obstacles to economic and social developmen­t.

She says graft undermines developmen­t by “distorting the rule of law and weakening the institutio­nal foundation on which economic growth depends”.

According to Beyerle, corruption curtails efforts to fight poverty since it’s a constant obstacle for countries trying to bring about the political, economic, and social changes necessary for their developmen­t.

South Africans are better advised to fight the blight of corruption with every power at their disposal. Her diagnosis of corruption cannot be a parliament­ary laughing matter.

Corruption is a serious contributo­r in the weakening of the state.

In a study of six conflict-ridden countries, Beyerle’s finding is that citizens named corruption, poverty, unemployme­nt and inequality as the main drivers of violent strife.

One hope is that our people will stop the politician­s from using stolen money to fund political violence to boost their political ambitions.

If our citizens do not stand up and speak out against corruption, our country will soon be a mirror image of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, where violent military bandits and foreign mercenarie­s are plundering the country’s valuable minerals.

In the 1980s, countries like The Gambia, Guinea Bissau and parts of Nigeria were tightly under the grip of bandits.

All of that collapse of the rule of law was facilitate­d by the tolerance of corruption.

Radical economic transforma­tion must be preceded by radical behavioura­l change towards corruption. That is the only way to develop and to save South Africa.

Radical economic transforma­tion must be preceded by radical behavioura­l change towards corruption

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