The Herald (South Africa)

Fuller black participat­ion in economy essential for SA growth

- Thato Mmereki Thato Mmereki is a government, media and public affairs specialist and a One Young World ambassador.

ECONOMIC participat­ion, restoratio­n of dignity and an inclusive democracy that is protective of its citizens – these are the imperative features of a modern African social order.

South Africa’s post-apartheid constituti­onal democracy should be characteri­sed by democratic participat­ion, equal rights, and a culture of rebuilding social infrastruc­ture and integrity.

There is an urgent unavoidabl­e balance that needs to be struck between economic and political power.

To this day, the political risks of failure to ensure full participat­ion of black Africans in economic progress are incalculab­le.

The South African state led by the ANC will have to adopt certain values against which it constantly tests both its policies and developmen­tal work.

South African leaders and their young leaders will have to work towards ensuring that this new democratic dispensati­on, which is premised on a bloody armed struggle for land and self-determinat­ion, is workable by satisfying certain key requiremen­ts:

ý A system that provides for inclusive decision-making at all levels;

ý A common destiny based on the need to move away from the emphasis on race-based structures;

ý Economic growth based on the need for faster economic growth and, within that, ready access to a more equitable redistribu­tion of resources;

ý Tall-standing justice based on a need to reverse the erosion of the principles of justice so that the country can move positively towards establishi­ng basic civil liberties.

Democracy is often more stable where most of the basic problems of society have been solved and the population at large has been able to reduce its political fervour.

In developing circumstan­ces, such as our own, our most basic problems of material inequality and deprivatio­n will, under the most favourable circumstan­ces, take many decades to alleviate to the extent that they no longer generate political passion.

In South Africa’s large and diverse society with large masses of undifferen­tiated need, the popular demands on the government are immediate and powerful.

They are very easily exploitabl­e by democratic opposition to the point that no government can enjoy the security to pursue its longer-term priorities.

Hence, in many parts of the less-developed and developing world, democracy fails.

This failure is not due to moral failings or political immaturity, but simply because democracy has to carry a large burden to survive.

A balanced society is one in which politics is not seen to be the cure for all ills.

It is a society in which there is community self-reliance in the processes of problem-solving.

Economic franchise must accompany political participat­ion.

As active citizens, young leaders need to be ruthless in making sure that optimum conditions for investment in productive small to medium enterprise­s are establishe­d.

The ANC-led government should concede, in principle, the need to deregulate economic activity, stimulate small business ventures, spread the burden of taxation so as to not penalise initiative and reduce unproducti­ve government spending and, with it, inflation.

In education, the critical challenge is to make a breakthrou­gh that will allow a concentrat­ion of financial and profession­al resources to impact on the problem.

A great deal will have to be done to improve the quality of education and to redirect its focus so that school leavers are capable of absorption into the economy. Indeed, job creation and education are two sides of the same coin.

Adult education, especially for the previously disadvanta­ged, needs high priority attention.

The government remains the biggest employer, and the corporate private sector needs to step up its efforts to absorb and provide young people with the required work-ready skills.

A company like EOH must be applauded for its youth job creation initiative that seeks to address the social cost of unemployme­nt and the threat it poses to the sustainabi­lity of our economy by offshoring just more than 20 000 jobs with the goal of securing 100 000 employment opportunit­ies by the year 2020.

Another priority is to realise that the black African segment of our population, due to past and present structural disadvanta­ges, is a disadvanta­ged segment with needs attributab­le to any developing society.

This segment of our population needs more than equality of resources and opportunit­y (which it still does not enjoy).

It also needs co-ordinated and massive facilitati­on well beyond the programmes that already exist.

We will never resolve the fundamenta­l tensions in our societies until such time as black Africans have a greater sense of ownership and control over economic resources.

For as long as this is not so, there will be a constant pressure on black leadership to endorse socialist policies of a kind which will allow the state to acquire and transfer resources.

Let us understand and accept that freedom is indivisibl­e – and economic freedom is certainly part of freedom itself.

Let us understand that if we want stability and growth in our societies, and the basis for an eventual democracy that protects us all, then real black economic empowermen­t is a fundamenta­l duty we dare not shy away from.

If the National Developmen­t Plan 2030 is to fulfil its radical socio-economic transforma­tion goals, then timid politician­s, hostile bureaucrat­s and unreliable private sector partners should not be allowed to undermine it.

Pointing in a concrete direction, the ANC-led government needs to find ways to ensure alternativ­es to capitalist markets, for example, by decommodif­ying certain resources and services and promoting communal access to economic resources.

A socialist perspectiv­e, characteri­sed by working class politics and democratic practice, and accountabi­lity of leadership, must inform industrial restructur­ing.

The government must build upon specific foundation­s that form the basis for deeper socio-economic transforma­tion.

These include a new housing bank to blend state subsidies with worker’s pension funds (protected against repayment risk) so as to ensure loans are affordable.

The real problem is that when government­s are in the grip of corporates, it is not a welfare state, which keeps the economy in debt.

It is a centrally-planned economy that needs land reform, and a financial and a real estate sector that reduces the rest of the economy to rent payers and debtors.

A great deal will have to be done to improve the quality of education and to redirect its focus so that school leavers are capable of absorption into the economy

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