The Herald (South Africa)

State must bear some blame

- Ismail Lagardien

THE provincial government of Limpopo may not want to hear this, but it has to carry some of the blame for the outbreak of listeriosi­s in the province.

If the provincial government was more vigilant, set standards of health and safety, and monitored these standards, there is every possibilit­y that the outbreak of listeriosi­s may have been prevented.

It would, of course, be disingenuo­us to absolve companies – managers and workers – for likely negligence, cutting corners, and ignoring health and safety standards.

However, complete absolution of the state in the listeriosi­s crisis is baloney. About companies, briefly. Under ideal conditions there are chains of accountabi­lity that run from the workers to the supervisor­s and to the executives.

Each person in the production chain has a responsibi­lity for her or his work, and may be held accountabl­e for his or her mistakes.

Unfortunat­ely, the habit of passing blame up or down chains of responsibi­lity is probably one of our greatest failures in South Africa.

Generally, when things go wrong in industry or manufactur­ing, consumers blame companies, the managers blame workers, workers blame machinery or their supervisor­s who then turn on trade unions.

This cycle then repeats itself in some permutatio­n of passing the blame.

In the specific case of the listeriosi­s crisis, the government and effective regulation and administra­tive justice come into play.

We should be clear, one of the main purposes of government is to provide public goods and services, the most important of which are education, public safety and (public) health care.

There are, of course, those among us who would argue against health as a public good.

Such arguments invariably rest on ideologica­l beliefs that assume states cannot be entreprene­urial and are unable or incapable of providing goods and services efficientl­y.

The purveyors of this belief convenient­ly ignore the fact that the state has historical­ly invested in, legislated for and sustained research and developmen­t in medical research; from combating malaria to magnetic resonance imaging (MRI) technology.

In the US, one body of research shows that since its creation the National Institutes of Health has spent almost a trillion dollars on research that created the pharmaceut­ical and the biotech sectors.

The belief that the state should get out of the way for private sector provision of all private and public goods works only with heavy qualificat­ions.

And anyway, it may be true only in fully libertaria­n societies (there is, actually, no evidence of any such a society), or in places like Somalia, where the state collapsed in the early 1990s and when all functions of the state ceased to exist.

The case for government regulation in health and food safety should be easy to make.

Only the most orthodox of economists and our more conservati­ve citizens would make the case for deregulati­on.

We know now, rather late, that the doyen of late capitalist deregulati­on, Alan Greenspan, admitted, shortly after the onset of the 2008 global crisis that his ideologica­l obsession with deregulati­on helped create conditions for the crisis. That’s another story. With respect to the listeriosi­s case, the provincial government, and probably the national government, too, should take some responsibi­lity.

It is the government that sets standards and regulation­s. Consider the example of milk sales. Just by the way, there is a larger crisis in the making in the pharmaceut­ical industry because of illicit flows of sub-standard or sub-therapeuti­c drugs that flow across the country’s borders.

There is no sense, at least not publicly, that the national government quite understand­s the impact that counterfei­t pharmaceut­icals can have on the community.

Let me try an example of why states have to intervene directly in food production, as if it is not clear enough.

Imagine that farmers sell milk from their own cows.

Each farmer sets a price at, say, R5 a litre. This seems fair.

Then one of the farmers dilutes her milk with water.

She now sells a combinatio­n of 500ml each of milk and water.

By doing this she gains an unfair financial advantage – which is what all capitalist enterprise­s thrive on – but she also affects the nutritiona­l value of the milk.

This is when the state is required to set standards of what actually constitute­s milk, what standards of hygiene are expected and then monitors the entire process to ensure that it is safe for human consumptio­n.

On this basis, the Limpopo government may easily be placed near the centre of the listeriosi­s crisis.

That it may have failed in its responsibi­lities to ensure the health and safety of the public should come as no surprise.

Corruption Watch reported that during the first half of last year, corruption in Limpopo shot up by 123%. Over December last year and January this year, 33 police officers were arrested for corruption.

It is fair to say that trust in the provincial government is at a low point.

It is also fair to say that the provincial government could have done more to prevent the listeriosi­s outbreak.

The case for government regulation in health and food safety should be easy to make

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