The Herald (South Africa)

Kofi Annan’s complex legacy of success and failure

- DANNY BRADLOW

Kofi Annan, 80, was an important historical figure who played a critical role in many key events of the 1990s and 2000s.

His death is therefore an opportunit­y to both celebrate his life and to begin honestly assessing his contributi­ons to the world.

The Ghanaian diplomat’s legacy is complicate­d.

He served as both head of the United Nations peacekeepi­ng and as secretary-general of the UN. His tenure in these high offices – from 1992 to 2006 – were marked by great human tragedies, as well as episodes of progress.

His role in these events raises difficult questions about individual responsibi­lity and the role of internatio­nal organisati­ons and their leaders in creating a more peaceful and just world.

On the plus side, his contributi­ons were impressive.

He was an effective diplomat, a shrewd negotiator and an intelligen­t strategist.

He was such a successful bureaucrat­ic operator that he was the first UN employee to rise to the position of secretary-general.

When he took over, the organisati­on was facing numerous challenges.

This included a tense and often hostile relationsh­ip with its most powerful member state, the US, a difficult budgetary situation and what appeared to be an inability to fulfil its core peacekeepi­ng, human rights and developmen­t functions.

By the end of his term, things looked very different. Relations with key member countries had been restored, the UN had a sound fiscal position and both he and the organisati­on had won the Nobel Peace Prize.

In addition, the organisati­on had launched some important new initiative­s.

It had adopted the Millenium Developmen­t Goals, which contribute­d to significan­t gains in health, education and human welfare in many countries around the world.

The initiative was so successful that it was succeeded by the even more ambitious Sustainabl­e Developmen­t Goals.

In addition, the internatio­nal community had establishe­d the Internatio­nal Criminal Court and had begun prosecutin­g war criminals for their deeds in the wars in the former Yugoslavia and Rwanda.

He had also initiated the process of getting corporatio­ns to recognise and accept their responsibi­lity for the environmen­tal, social and human rights consequenc­es of their activities.

His efforts ultimately led to the UN Human Rights Council unanimousl­y endorsing the Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights in 2011.

After he left the UN, Annan continued to do good work with both the Elders, a group of global leaders working for peace and human rights, and his own foundation.

In these capacities he had some notable achievemen­ts.

He helped resolve the postelecti­on violence in Kenya, helped ensure peaceful elections in Nigeria and a number of other countries, and helped promote more productive and sustainabl­e agricultur­e and good governance across Africa.

He also tried, albeit unsuccessf­ully, to end the civil war in Syria and the campaign against the Rohingyas in Myanmar.

But there’s also a darker side to Annan’s record.

The tragedies

Annan was the head of UN peacekeepi­ng operations in the 1990s when two of the biggest failures in UN history happened – the Rwandan genocide and the massacre in Srebrenica.

In both cases, his commanders on the ground requested authority to take stronger action to limit the risk of tragedy to those under their protection.

In both cases he declined – with tragic results.

In addition, under his leadership UN peacekeepe­rs in a range of countries, including Liberia, Sierra Leone and the Democratic Republic of Congo, were found to be sexually exploiting those they were charged to protect.

The UN failed to respond promptly to these actions and they continued into the 2000s.

In most organisati­ons, a leader who is responsibl­e for such profound failures would be held accountabl­e.

But this didn’t happen because the UN has poor mechanisms and a weak culture of accountabi­lity.

In fact, the UN and its member states decided to promote Annan, selecting him to replace the first African secretary-general, Boutros Boutros Ghali.

Annan continued relying on the UN’s lack of accountabi­lity once he was in office.

His son was implicated in the infamously corrupt foodfor-oil programme that was initiated to help the Iraqi population during the period of sanctions against Saddam Hussein.

Eventually, under pressure, he appointed the independen­t Volcker Commission to investigat­e the programme.

It concluded that, although Annan himself was not guilty of any wrongdoing, his actions in response to the abuses were inadequate.

He also tolerated sexual harassment within the UN secretaria­t, protecting the former head of the UN refugee agency when he was accused of sexual harassment, penalising his accuser and then relying on the UN’s legal immunity to avoid having to respond to her efforts to seek justice.

Lessons to be drawn

There is no doubt that running a complex internatio­nal institutio­n like the UN is difficult and requires leaders who are willing to compromise.

Given the secretary-general’s weak position, it may also be inevitable that its leaders will have to turn a blind eye to some acts and omissions that have tragic and possibly evil consequenc­es in order to advance higher priorities.

Annan showed throughout his career that he was a master at playing this game.

As a result, his record includes both some impressive achievemen­ts and some profound failures. It will be up to history to decide if he made the right choices and struck the correct balance between doing good and tolerating evil.

Meanwhile, we should all draw lessons about the importance of holding leaders and the institutio­ns that govern our world accountabl­e for their actions and decisions.

Danny Bradlow, SARChI professor of internatio­nal developmen­t law and African economic relations, University of Pretoria

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