Reasons behind Red Sea crisis
Recent attacks on commercial vessels by Houthi militia in the Red Sea have put the vital shipping region in the spotlight.
The Yemen-based rebels claim to be targeting Israelilinked vessels in protest at Israel’s war against Hamas in Gaza.
The UN Security Council recently passed a resolution demanding an immediate end to the Houthi attacks, while the US and UK have launched a series of strikes on Yemen against the rebels.
The Bab al-Mandab Strait between Yemen, in the Middle East, and Djibouti, in Africa, is one of the world’s busiest oil transit points and is of great importance for the Red Sea.
Its proximity to the Indian Ocean and the Persian Gulf reduces shipping distances and facilitates trade.
About 33,000 merchant ships pass through the strait every year.
An oil tanker leaving the Gulf would reach the port of London, 12,000km away, in about 14 days (at a speed of 22 knots) via the Strait of Hormuz and the Red Sea.
But if that route is not available, the tanker would have to go around the southern tip of Africa — a 24-day journey covering 20,900km.
The Red Sea’s strategic importance also makes it an important geopolitical area.
Countries have military bases here and intervene to protect oil and merchant shipping.
These include military bases of Turkey, the United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia, China, the US, Italy, France, and Japan.
Israel’s attempt to control the Sinai Peninsula, one of the key supply routes for the Palestinian resistance, threatens the safety of merchant shipping in the Red Sea.
Because of the fragility or lack of central government in Somalia and Yemen, non-state armed groups are becoming more active.
Examples include the Houthi and al-Hirak in Yemen and Somalia’s Al-Shabaab and Ansar al-Sharia.
The Houthi militia, also known as Ansar Allah, are a rebel group based in Yemen.
Originating from the Zaidi Shia Muslim minority, they rose to prominence in the early 2000s, opposing Yemen’s central government.
The group’s name comes from its founder, Hussein Badreddin al-Houthi.
The Houthis aim to establish a Zaidi Shia-led government in Yemen.
They have been involved in armed conflicts with the Yemeni government, which is supported by the Saudi-UAE coalition, including the
Yemeni Civil War. The Houthis are backed by Iran.
Houthi soldiers have assaulted and taken control of many boats since 2016.
Their earliest techniques, such as rocket-propelled grenades, were not sophisticated, but their strategies have evolved to include mines, drones and anti-ship missiles.
The biggest casualty of their attacks are Saudi ships and ports.
The Houthi have weakened Yemen and exposed the country to foreign intervention.
In 2015, the US supported Saudi Arabia’s intervention to prevent the Houthis from invading all of Yemen.
Other major security challenges facing the region are the ongoing wars and tensions between and within countries.
These include disputes over the affiliation of Red Sea islands, border disputes, territorial claims, conflicting economic interests, ideological differences and ethnic divisions.
Examples include the Yemen-Saudi Arabia War and tensions between Sudan,
Ethiopia and Egypt over the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam.
Regional crises such as the Arab Spring, Yemen crisis, Israeli-Palestinian conflict and the Sudan and Qatar blockades also have a direct impact on the balance of power in the Red Sea.
Due to its transit point and proximity to conflict zones, the Red Sea has a high concentration of arms and human traffickers.
The growing power of the illegal sector has adversely affected regional stability, paving the way for organised crime.
It has also claimed hundreds of thousands of lives.
For several years, the main security issue in the wider region was Somali piracy.
A major co-ordinated naval operation, involving key international actors, helped to address the threat and shows what can be achieved.
This suggests the approach to regional crises should be regional co-operation.
In 2020, the Red Sea Council was established by Saudi Arabia, Sudan, Djibouti, Somalia,
Eritrea, Egypt, Yemen and Jordan, with the aim of maintaining security and stability in the Red Sea.
It was to consult and co-ordinate efforts to combat dangers, while not being a military group.
The Red Sea Council is meant to be a new regional instrument, however, it hasn’t been able to prevent the militarisation of the Red Sea corridor — one of its mandates.
This is due to a lack of support from the international community and historical tensions over territorial issues.
It is also mainly dominated by Saudi Arabia, limiting the ability of Ethiopia, Qatar and Turkey, along with Iran, to move freely in the Red Sea.
Ultimately, increased co-ordination and collaboration between adversaries and allies with shared interests are necessary to ensure the safety and security of the Red Sea.