Opportunity for collective effort

We need a universal response now in the struggle for equality; no longer must it be black people fighting for a black cause

DURING the height of anti-apartheid student protests at Wits in the 1980s, a question would often pop up among political groupings on whether Steve Biko would support a non-racial approach towards the struggle or whether he would prefer that the struggle excluded the participation of white people.

The dominant political group on campus upheld the view that participation in the activities of the anti-apartheid struggle should not be based on skin colour, but that all who shared in the vision of a non-racial, non-sexist and democratic South Africa should make their contribution to the realisation of this vision.

This view found its expression in the political programme of the Wits Black Students Society, which at various times was led by David Johnson, Tiego Moseneke and Dali Mpofu.

The grouping that adhered to the belief that the struggle against apartheid would be best conducted by blacks only had Xolela Mangcu as its vocal leader. The non-racial student grouping were mockingly referred to as “Mavarara” and its political stance received a major boost with the emergence of the United Democratic Front. The name “Zmzm” was thrown at the black consciousness-aligned group led by Mangcu.

The two political sides characterised black student political life at Wits and would often determine relations among the less than 10 percent of black students those days.

These ideological differences were reflective of the broader ideological battles in the townships which resulted in the “vararas” and “zmzms” attacking each other leading to the unnecessary deaths of some anti-apartheid activists in Soweto, the East Rand and the Vaal.

The ideological battles between the groups were best articulated by Rian Malan in My Traitor’s Heart.

The student struggles were about the politics of non-racialism versus that of black consciousness.

For the adherents of the black consciousness ideology, being black and conscious of political oppression and economic exploitation by the “system” was a rallying point.

Fast-forward to 30 years or so later. Issues of black identity and the struggles of black people in the post-apartheid South Africa have resurfaced. This was recently demonstrated by Pretoria High School for Girls.

The Fees Must Fall movement positioned itself as the vanguard of black student struggles against exorbitant varsity fees.

The core elements of black consciousness can be found in the political discourse of the leadership of the Fees Must Fall campaign, which stands opposed to a fees system that excludes the majority of black students from university education.

The system is described by Sizwe Mpofu-Walsh (Dali Mpofu’s son) as a system where the older generation, leaders and vice-chancellors of universities are entrenched in a mythical belief that South Africa is a better place for the coming generation.

Ours in the 1980s was a struggle against a system that discriminated on the basis of race and we belonged to two ideological sides which determined our participation.

The realities of the black experience in the post-apartheid South Africa require a universal response which does not prescribe race as a determinant for participation.

The need for society to create political space that would accommodate all of our contributions towards creating a just and fair society was expressed by Professor Angela Davis at the 37th Steve Biko Memorial Lecture when she said: “The instance of the particularity of the black predicament is precisely that which is capable of yielding a versality. “For most of our history, the category human has not embraced black people. Its abstractness has been coloured, white and gendered male. If all lives mattered, we would not need to emphatically proclaim that black lives matter.”

Our collective contribution towards dismantling apartheid should catapult us towards creating a space where there is universality in the struggle for the dignity and equality of all people in our country.

It therefore becomes a new approach in the struggle, not the struggle by black people for a black cause but a struggle by all people for the black people and all other races who continue to suffer from the injustices of post-apartheid rule.

A universal approach to the post-apartheid struggle for equality and justice is equally endorsed by Mangcu in his recent opinion column when he called for the creation of a cultural consciousness of blackness.

Mangcu argues that such an approach would require that both black and white South Africans immerse themselves in the black historical experience and the values of freedom and equality it generated.

There lies an opportunity that we can’t afford to miss where all the people irrespective of race and class are driven by common values and work towards alleviating the negative residual economic and social impact of colonial and apartheid misrule.

The call for black and white South Africans to find each other in the quest for dignity and socio-economic justice is best articulated by TO Molefe as cited by Max du Preez (in his book A Rumour of Spring) where Molefe says: “Whites, generally speaking, need to open their eyes… to the source of the privilege they enjoy today and with that hopefully understand the moral and constitutional imperative of committing themselves to seeing this country transform.

“In turn black, again generalising, should see the change in their fellow countrymen and women and seek ways of healing. Blacks and whites must speak their truths and reconcile – for real this time.”

Steve Biko would support a non-racial approach to the struggle against the injustices of post-apartheid rule. He would rally all of us towards fighting for a South Africa that promotes dignity and equality for all.

Need for all our contributions towards creating a just, fair society