The Star Early Edition

Perception of ICC at crossroads

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More cartoons online at Angela Mudukuti is an internatio­nal criminal justice lawyer

THERE are great changes afoot on the internatio­nal criminal justice landscape. Last week, the Office of the Prosecutor (OTP) of the Internatio­nal Criminal Court (ICC) announced its decision to request judicial authorisat­ion for an investigat­ion into the situation in Afghanista­n.

Given that this situation involves investigat­ing the conduct of American troops, it could do wonders for the OTP’s reputation with regard to the allegation it “targets weaker African” states. It could simultaneo­usly result in the weakening of prosecutor­ial efficacy if it embarks on yet another near-impossible investigat­ion.

The OTP made its preliminar­y examinatio­n into Afghanista­n public in 2007 (a preliminar­y examinatio­n precedes an investigat­ion, as the OTP needs to determine whether there is sufficient informatio­n to proceed).

The preliminar­y examinatio­n focuses on crimes against humanity and war crimes allegedly committed during the armed conflict between pro-government forces and anti-government forces in Afghanista­n. In this case, the “pro-government forces” include the US forces insofar as they were supporting the establishe­d Afghanista­n government, and the anti-government forces include the Taliban.

Clandestin­e detention facilities operated by the Central Intelligen­ce Agency (CIA) and US troops are where allegation­s stem from. US troops and CIA operatives allegedly used torture, sexual violence and rape as part of their interrogat­ion toolkit. They are believed to have subjected at least 88 detainees to this cruel and degrading treatment between May 2003 and December 2014, with most of the alleged abuse having occurred during 2003 and 2004.

The most disturbing element of the allegation­s is that it was not just a group of wayward soldiers; instead, it seems to have been part of a formally approved interrogat­ion strategy designed to elicit “actionable intelligen­ce” from detainees.

If the OTP’s request is granted by the judges, the opening of an investigat­ion would be a positive developmen­t for victims, the rule of law, justice and accountabi­lity. It would send a strong message that no one is above the law and that the ICC is ready to investigat­e and prosecute without fear or favour. It would also positively influence how the OTP is perceived by many African politician­s

The ICC has been accused of targeting Africa and of being a neo-colonialis­t institutio­n due to the fact that all of the cases at trial stage are African cases. However, a careful deconstruc­tion of this claim and an understand­ing of the limits of the court’s jurisdicti­on might well indicate it is more accurate to say it is Africans who are making use of the court.

Gabon is the latest country to do so, having asked the ICC to intervene last year. Uganda, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Central African Republic, and Mali also requested the ICC’s interventi­on. Be that as it may, the opening of an investigat­ion that involves a global superpower could dramatical­ly counter the allegation of bias against Africans.

However, this could turn out to be yet another impossible investigat­ion for the OTP. The US does not acknowledg­e the ICC’s jurisdicti­on and is not a party to the Rome Statute, and thus co-operation is unlikely. From the court’s inception, the relationsh­ip with the US has been frosty.

Under Clinton, the Rome Statute was signed but never ratified, and thus was never legally binding. Under Bush in 2002, the Rome Statute was “unsigned” and the relationsh­ip deteriorat­ed, including manipulati­ng other member states to ensure they sign immunity agreements that protect US citizens and blocking UN peacekeepi­ng resolution­s that did not include ICC immunity provisions.

Under the same administra­tion, the American Service-Members’ Protection Act was signed into law and it allows the president to use “all means necessary and appropriat­e to rescue any US or allied personnel detained or imprisoned by, on behalf of, or at the request of the ICC”.

The frost began to thaw under Obama, with the US voting in favour of two UN Security Council referrals and assisting with the transfer of wanted suspects Bosco Ntaganda and Dominic Ongwen to the ICC. The political motivation behind both these actions cannot be ignored, but they can also be seen as important acts in support of internatio­nal criminal justice.

Last week’s announceme­nt has been all but welcome, with Pentagon spokespers­on Eric Pahon stating publicly that an ICC investigat­ion of Americans would be “wholly unwarrante­d and unjustifie­d”.

Once the request is made, the next step is for the judges of the ICC to consider the prosecutor’s request. Should they deny the request, the OTP would look good for having made the request in the first place, and then it would be the judges who would shoulder the “blame”. Should the judges agree, then a very challengin­g investigat­ion would begin.

Either way, this is definitely an important developmen­t that could mark a turning point in internatio­nal justice.

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 ??  ?? KEEPING HOUSE: US Army 10th Mountain Division soldiers take over a dwelling in March 2002 near three villages in Afghanista­n which were al-Qaeda and Taliban stronghold­s.
KEEPING HOUSE: US Army 10th Mountain Division soldiers take over a dwelling in March 2002 near three villages in Afghanista­n which were al-Qaeda and Taliban stronghold­s.
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