Weekend Argus (Saturday Edition)

Bridging city’s spatial gulfs

Vigorously promoted public transport initiative­s offer best hope of overcoming Cape Town’s apartheid-era divisions, write Brett Petzer and Rashiq Fataar

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that are difficult for other interest groups to dismiss.

Ivan Turok of the South African Human Sciences Research Council has indentifie­d the continued devolution of national and provincial powers to municipali­ties as a second aspect that could empower planners. This devolution renders elected representa­tives more accountabl­e to their immediate constituen­ts for the overall quality of the built environmen­t, thus strengthen­ing the planning profession­al’s case against narrow commercial interests.

However, it is clear that the greatest potential agent of change in the spatial economy in Cape Town would be the emergence of citywide residents’ groups or commuter groups as a major metropolit­an constituen­cy. Such a constituen­cy would be able to fund its own expert commentato­rs and lobby for its own long-term interests, while articulati­ng the voice that is so deafeningl­y silent in planning debates.

Where issues of infrastruc­ture, or commercial developmen­t projects, are discussed, current rules favour the participat­ion of immediatel­y- affected residents, the city, planning profession­als and developers. But, since the voice of the residents of greater Cape Town is missing, the Nimbys (those who oppose developmen­t because it is close to them – Not In My Back Yard – rather than in principle) prevail. Local residents feel the costs, in disruption and loss of open space, strongly while the benefits, which may be greater, accrue evenly to a larger number of people. This creates a classic problem of economics in which the return on opposing a project is great, because a few people pay a large individual cost, while the return on promoting a project is small because an enormous group receive a very small individual benefit. In this way, value is destroyed for cities and regions.

Examples such as the continuing and resilient growth. Turok points out that the quantified demand for housing in densificat­ion schemes in central Cape Town, for example, should be a key informant of planning projection­s from the start. Poor Capetonian­s, in essence, will not survive in the city unless the CBD’s higher prices for basic groceries are more than offset by the savings in transport costs.

Economic growth prospects towards 2025 in Cape Town are expected to average just 3.5 percent a year, according to a report by PwC. This, coupled with an unemployme­nt rate of 21.7 percent, presents a significan­t challenge for the city. There are no easy answers to the challenge of creating an inclusive, resilient economy in an environmen­t of slow regional growth and the severe mismatch between the lack of skills of the unemployed and the shortage of specialist and high-skilled labour. There are only local, small- scale answers and a necessity to experiment and start from first principles.

The recently launched Fare ( Future of Agricultur­e and the Rural Economy) process by the Western Cape Economic Developmen­t Partnershi­p and the Economic Developmen­t Forum, is one important example of fostering dialogue and building partnershi­ps around economic challenges. Recent wage strikes and conflicts in the De Doorns farming community in the Cape Winelands and in other farming areas have brought the challenges facing the agricultur­e sector to breaking point. The protests there were an acute example of opportunis­tic local politics exacerbati­ng a global sectoral problem – the increasing mechanisat­ion of agricultur­e in a context of shrinking demand for unskilled workers in South Africa.

The Fare process is open-ended and non-partisan, without defined outcomes except informatio­n. All other outcomes are secondary to the production of knowledge of the interests and perspectiv­es of all stakeholde­rs, especially some of those least likely to articulate a position in a public, formal way – such as seasonal and migrant labour. However, and importantl­y, the gulf between stakeholde­rs whose views and interests are known – farmers and government – and those whose views are either unknown, or known only through spokesmen who may or may not represent the broader view, is to be bridged through discussion and consultati­on. Fare is at once a pragmatic indaba and an acknowledg­ement of the huge informatio­n deficit underlying South Africa’s failures to reconcile its two economies and its two types of city, the formal and the informal.

In this context, Cape Town’s designatio­n as World Design Capital 2014 represents an important opportunit­y for the urbanist discourse in the city. The hitherto fragmented debate on the spatial future of Cape Town might now be overhauled into an organised body of knowledge that acknowledg­es the value of lived experience and measures the longterm consequenc­es of the effects of spatial inclusion and exclusion. The 2014 theme, “Bridging the Divide”, would gain some heft if knowledge itself became the bridging infrastruc­ture to enable a sharing of ideas and a contestati­on of rival visions for the city.

In this vein, the Violence Prevention through Urban Upgrading project (VPUU) is an attempt to create built interventi­ons and a long-term programme of research. As an informatio­n- gathering initiative, the fundamenta­l restructur­ing of the spatial landscape in Cape Town in decades, affording the city an opportunit­y to re-shape and re-wire for the future.

The investment in transport infrastruc­ture over the last decade has largely been road-based, with major investment in road improvemen­ts, and the MyCiTi bus system.

With Phase 1 of the MyCiTi bus rapid transit system under way towards the West Coast, Phase 2 to the Metro South-East in planning, and the promise of 3 600 new rail vehicles over the coming decade at a cost of over R50 billion, the opportunit­y for spatially connecting the city is stronger than ever before. But building connection­s through public transport investment is not without its challenges. Where these connection­s – physical or other – are implemente­d, how does one measure and define the success? For example, the introducti­on of an express service on the N2 freeway, the chief road linking the city centre with Mitchells Plain and Khayelitsh­a, merely provides additional capacity while the rail system remains poorly maintained and unreliable. It does not propose to cut through and connect different parts of Cape Town and thereby foregoes its own potential for fostering social and spatial cohesion.

Fataar is the director and Petzer a researcher at Future Cape Town, a non-profit think tank for ideas on the future of cities. This article forms part of a collaborat­ive series between Future Cape Town and Urban Africa. It originally appeared on the Urban Africa website at http://www.urbanafric­a.net

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