Weekend Argus (Saturday Edition)

It is time for universiti­es to show a bit of backbone

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THE UNREST at our universiti­es is no longer about #FeesMustFa­ll. It is no exaggerati­on to observe that South Africa is in the throes of an incipient youth revolution targeting the higher education sector. At this stage it is weak and sporadic. But every day it remains unchalleng­ed – whether because of incompeten­ce, cowardice or misguided tolerance – it gains momentum, confidence and strength.

Like every incipient insurrecti­on in history, it lures and dupes with promises of democracy, with slogans of liberty, equality and fraternity. In reality, like every revolution­ary guard that has preceded it, its murky ringleader­s are indifferen­t to those ideals.

They are driven by a determinat­ion not to change the existing order, but to usurp it. They want power and they want it now, and universiti­es are just the first site of struggle. Convention­al democratic mechanisms for gaining power can be tediously challengin­g, especially for what is an ideologica­lly self-righteous minority. So the process has to be short-circuited using intimidati­on or, if that fails, violence.

That seizure of control of tertiary education may succeed is an indictment of the sector’s leadership. At best it has been vacillatin­g, at worst, timid.

One shouldn’t blame the vicechance­llors entirely. Because of the erosion of university autonomy in the face of ANC browbeatin­g and more than a year of student protests and threats, most university managers are now physically and emotionall­y spent. Unfortunat­ely, their political masters haven’t a clue of what to do either, alternatin­g between bluster and supplicati­on. Neither has had any discernibl­e influence on a radical, rampant student leadership clique.

This aspirant revolution­ary clique is close to the EFF, likely overlappin­g in membership, and clearly sharing its strategy to outflank and humble the ANC.

The tactics are the ones that the EFF has deployed repeatedly: abuse, threats, the scapegoati­ng of minorities, and “spontaneou­s” eruptions of violence.

The EFF has a leading role in fomenting the chaos, often straying close to incitement to violence.

Mpho Morelane, president of its “Student Command” – the EFF, from berets to ranks, is in thrall to military terminolog­y – stated this week that universiti­es would not be allowed to operate, despite the majority of students having indicated that they want to complete the year in peace.

“You must know, we are coming for you… There isn’t a university that is going to open on Monday (unless) the government comes with the introducti­on of free quality education as a matter of urgency.”

Businesses, too, would be affected, and “we are going to occupy strategic sectors”. It was time, also, for the police to join the side of the protesters.

The response to such war talk has been a series of abject capitulati­ons. Explaining this week’s closure of UCT, its management (a flattering word for appeasers), said there was “a risk of serious conflict and escalating violence”.

“We will not be able to contain the situation without a very large increase in security and interventi­on by the SA Police Service. This would only serve to make matters worse.”

It is difficult to know what to make of such sophistry. It is the kind of infantile logic that deserves a first-year fail mark, but perhaps no longer at UCT. After all, this is in response to petrol bombings and physical attacks. It is, above all, in response to a minority voiding the constituti­onal rights of the majority.

In effect, the UCT message to rioters is: if you are sufficient­ly violent we will capitulate because we are scared that in order to stop your violence, the forces of the law will be, um, forceful.

In an article in University World News, Professor Nico Cloete, an expert on higher education policy in developing countries, presents a cogent explanatio­n of why “free” higher education is impossible. More, it actually harms the interests of the poor, since a “vocal, active component of the relatively small petite bourgeoisi­e” uses the issue to “consolidat­e their class position”.

“As was the case in fascist Germany and populist Cambodia, the petty bourgeoisi­e was encouraged and misinforme­d by certain intellectu­als. During… this South African conflict, traditiona­l academics have been almost completely silent and passive.”

Indeed. Most academics have been shamefully complicit in the campus chaos, cowed as they are by the cacophony of radical cant.

It has been left to the gatvol silent majority of students to start reclaiming the democratic space that the constituti­on guarantees them. Similarly, it is up to ordinary citizens to make clear that they find the situation intolerabl­e.

Otherwise the wannabe revolution­aries will ultimately triumph. @TheJaundic­edEye

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