Daily Mirror (Sri Lanka)

Internatio­nal Pressure should be maintained on Government - DR. JEHAN PERERA

- By Kelum Bandara

Leading Civil Society Activists Dr. Jehan Perera, in an interview with Daily Mirror , stresses the need to ensure transition­al justice for war victims. Dr. Perera, who is also the Executive Director of the National Peace Council, calls for continued pressure by the internatio­nal community and civil society on the government to deliver in this regard. He also made representa­tions to Geneva this time. Excerpts:

Q As a civil society activist, what is your opinion on the grant of another two more years for the government to implement the provisions of the UNHRC resolution?

The resolution on Sri Lanka that gave Sri Lanka the additional two years that the government sought to deliver on commitment­s made 18 months ago. The postponeme­nt was necessary as there is no preparedne­ss on the ground. These are necessaril­y public processes. The discussion has to be taken to the people.

The extended time frame granted reflects the confidence that the internatio­nal community reposes in the good faith of the government headed by President Maithripal­a Sirisena and Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesi­nghe. It also reflects the absence of other viable options with regard to hastening the transition­al justice process in Sri Lanka. From a civil society perspectiv­e, this is the best time we have. But it is only an opportunit­y. Our concern is that it is receding opportunit­y.

By giving Sri Lanka the two years that the government asked for, the internatio­nal community has recognized that it is only the Sri Lankan government that can deliver on all of these, and not the internatio­nal community which can at best play a supportive role.

The internatio­nal community and civil society need to ensure that pressure is maintained on the government. Its progress, or lack thereof, in implementi­ng its promises in regard to transition­al justice needs to be monitored and constructi­vely critiqued. Instead of seeking to punish the government and withdraw support from it, the government needs to be given more assistance to meet its targets.

Q There is a major outcry by the Tamil Diaspora groups against the granting of such an extension. How do you see this?

The outcry from the Tamil Diaspora is understand­able. As they are out of the country many of them see the internatio­nal pressure as the most effective. This is the most effective recourse they have. They have no voting power in Sri Lanka to put pressure on the government. The issues for the Tamil people are urgent. For a person whose child is missing, it is urgent to find that child. To be resettled on the land you once lived on with sufficient resources to ensure normalcy is urgent. The continued suffering of those who were victims of the war who have not yet been benefited by the proper implementa­tion of the UNHRC resolution is not acceptable. The victims of the war continue to live in difficult circumstan­ces and often out of the mainstream of life, struggling to survive without viable livelihood opportunit­ies while being burdened by uncertaint­y about the fate of their missing family members. The extended time frame granted reflects the confidence that the internatio­nal community reposes in the good faith of the government headed by President Maithripal­a Sirisena and Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesi­nghe. It also reflects the absence of other viable options with regard to hastening the transition­al justice process in Sri Lanka Outcry of Tamil Diaspora understand­able People need to understand transition­al justice process All allegation­s against military and LTTE should be investigat­ed

Q The implementa­tion of the provisions of the resolution, particular­ly the move to set up a judicial mechanism , is bound to be met with public resistance. In that context, how feasible is the implementa­tion process?

The problem today is that the entire reconcilia­tion process is being held hostage to the pursuit of accountabi­lity for war crimes. Transition­al justice and ensuring reconcilia­tion is not only about accountabi­lity, it includes truth seeking, reparation­s and institutio­nal reforms. The experience of other countries shows that ensuring accountabi­lity is a lengthy process often taking several decades.

Accountabi­lity is important for the future. Those entrusted with state authority must know that they can never abuse state power and get away with it. There needs to be widespread support generated amongst the people for this position. They will be the beneficiar­ies.

The outcry from the Tamil Diaspora is understand­able. As they are out of the country many of them see the internatio­nal pressure as the most effective. This is the most effective recourse they have. They have no voting power in Sri Lanka to put pressure on the government. The issues for the Tamil people are urgent. For a person whose child is missing, it is urgent to find that child

There is also a need to help the people to understand the need for the larger transition­al justice process which is not only about accountabi­lity, but also about compensati­on and institutio­nal reforms, and that it is about taking the country to an irreversib­le situation of sustainabl­e peace. This will take time, but it is possible. An example is the Sudu Nelum movement during the period of President Chandrika Kumaratung­a. In a matter of a year they were able to change public opinion on the issue of devolution of power.

Q There is a different world situation with the Trump presidency in the United States of America. As such, how long can those interested in Sri Lanka’s issue sustain the internatio­nal support to the Geneva process?

The United States may be the most important actor but it is only one actor in the internatio­nal community. President Donald Trump may ensure that US accountabi­lity is less, but it is Sudu Nelum movement during CBK’S period changed public opinion on power devolution within a year less sure that the US will let go of its traditiona­l role in upholding internatio­nal human rights standards. Where the resolution on the Sri Lanka was concerned the United States has said it was pleased that Sri Lanka had agreed once again to co-sponsor the resolution, and invited likeminded UN members to demonstrat­e support for reconcilia­tion and peace in Sri Lanka by adding their names to the list of cosponsors. In a statement, the US applauded the government for its continuing efforts to promote reconcilia­tion.

The internatio­nal community will continue to insist on adherence to internatio­nal standards. The reinstatin­g of the Generalize­d System of Preference­s Plus status (GSP+) to Sri Lanka is reportedly in the balance following a report from an European Union delegation that was in the country last week. In their report, to be tabled in the European Parliament on 27 April, they have called on the Commission­er Cecilia Malmstrom to ensure that the Sri Lankan Government strictly implements the commitment­s put down by the Internatio­nal Labour Organizati­on (ILO) prior to reinstatin­g the trade facility. The report has also touches on shortcomin­gs on the enforcemen­t on other human rights issues, in particular the use of torture, the rights of minorities and the rights of LGBTI people.

Q In the report by the UN High Commission­er on Human Rights, there are 11 allegation­s. Out of them eight are against the government military. In your view, how legitimate or illegitima­te are they?

At this point these are allegation­s. They need to be investigat­ed and speculatio­n brought to an end. Otherwise they will continue to hang over the military. This will damage their prospects for internatio­nal training, UN assignment­s and even for family visits abroad. There are many allegation­s against the LTTE that should be investigat­ed too. The need is for a process. It is not just to investigat­e these 11 allegation­s. As the process continues there might be a need to investigat­e more allegation­s. Those who engage in murder, enforced disappeara­nces, torture and rape, whether in times of war or peace, need to be held accountabl­e. The cycle of impunity needs to be broken.

Q How could the military be held to account for civilian deaths in a war zone as there was firing by both sides?

It will be the circumstan­ces and evidence gathered that will determine whether the military was culpable or not. So long as there are no investigat­ions there will continue to be allegation­s by internatio­nal human rights organizati­ons and the UN. Sri Lanka needs to get out of this dark cloud.

The primary purpose of the OMP is to enable the families of those who went missing to find out what happened to them. The UNHCR’S resolution has no provision in it for setting up internatio­nal war crimes tribunals. That is a matter for the UN Security Council, in which China and Russia are members and have pledged to support Sri Lanka

However, we need to be mindful that those who were in the military and who commanded the military and ensured victory over the LTTE are seen by many if not most people, in particular most Sinhalese, as war heroes. Instead of emphasizin­g retributiv­e justice in which the primary remedy is punishment, there could be an alternativ­e in the form of restorativ­e justice. The latter focuses on victims. The most urgent needs of those who suffered during the war is to find out what happened to their missing family members and to have sustainabl­e livelihood­s. This is the accountabi­lity I would give priority to.

Q There is public perception that the OMP Act and the proposed law on enforced disappeara­nces contain drastic provisions making way for political and military leaders to be hauled up before an internatio­nal war crimes tribunal. How do you respond to it?

The primary purpose of the OMP is to enable the families of those who went missing to find out what happened to them. The UNHCR’S resolution has no provision in it for setting up internatio­nal war crimes tribunals. That is a matter for the UN Security Council, in which China and Russia are members and have pledged to support Sri Lanka. If it is found that those who went missing were killed, there has to be accountabi­lity and consequenc­es even within the domestic Sri Lankan system.

Q How would it help in reconcilia­tion if the military are punished for their conduct of the war?

It is legal in internatio­nal law to fight a war, and for military personnel to kill one another. It is only if they behave outside of internatio­nal law, by killing prisoners, raping women and killing civilians that they are liable to be punished. But these are also violations of codes of conduct within the military itself. Holding those who violated the laws of war accountabl­e will build confidence in people that this is a country governed by the Rule of Law and in the equal treatment of all citizens. If a woman gets raped or a loved one is killed, who will not want justice? We need to put ourselves in others’ shoes.

Q What is your opinion on the government co-sponsoring this resolution?

By co-sponsoring the UNHRC resolution the government was able to change an adversaria­l relationsh­ip with the internatio­nal community into a collaborat­ive one. This is the main reason that Sri Lanka was given an extra two years to implement what it had promised to do.

Q As a member of civil society who made representa­tions in Geneva; in your view, could the Tamil lobbying groups be satisfied with the current process and action taken so far?

Reform processes have been initiated but the pace of change is slow. It should be speeded up. The experience of transition­al justice processes worldwide is that they are slow. There is the ideal and there is reality. We have to progress, but within the framework of what is real.

Q How do you assess the progress made so far regarding the Constituti­on making process?

The govt took two good steps at the outset. It appointed a Public Representa­tives Committee to meet with people all over the country and ascertain their views on all areas of constituti­onal reform. This is the first time such a public consultati­on was called for. Second the government turned the entire parliament into a Constituti­onal Assembly. But now inertia seems to have set in. The preparatio­n of technical documents took too long and were not sufficient­ly shared. Constituti­onal Reform, as much as the reconcilia­tion process, is a public process in which the people need to participat­e on a continuing basis. The govt needs to go to the people, and to all sectors, including the profession­als, religious clergy, security forces and business people, and involve them in the discussion. They all want to know what this all means and they deserve to know.

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