Daily Mirror (Sri Lanka)

SL WHERE ‘DEMOCRACY’ NEEDS NO ‘PEOPLE’S SOVEREIGNT­Y’

- By Kusal Perera

Colombo’s “yahapalana” civil society activists became hysterical when Parliament was dissolved by President Sirisena again on a Friday. The gazette notificati­on was out midnight Friday November 9, 2018. I too agree, it was definitely a frustrated reaction to the combine failure of Sirisena-rajapaksa attempts to regain a majority in parliament after removing Ranil Wickremesi­nghe from premiershi­p and appointing Mahinda Rajapaksa.

Travelling to Elpitiya and back on Saturday, Colombo’s desperate protests against the dissolutio­n of parliament was not there to be heard or seen among those ordinary folk in the hinterland­s. MR was smiling and waving from billboards of different sizes with affectiona­te slogans. One said “You are our Appachchi (father)”. Back in Colombo, it was confirmed the UNP the TNA and the JVP would seek Supreme Court rulings declaring the dissolutio­n illegal and to have an order refraining the National Election Commission (NEC) in holding parliament­ary elections on January 5, 2019. How DEMOCRATIC is this demand against the dissolutio­n of parliament to hold elections for people to elect a government of their choice?

A few Colombo-based “Experts” on Constituti­onal Law with funded civil society agents argue it is “illegal”. They are the same Colombo’s “people’s power” group who campaigned against MR, with Sirisena as their “Common Candidate” at the January 8, 2015 presidenti­al election and promised “democracy and good governance”. What those promises meant to the larger majority of the people during the past three years and ten months, and what the “good governance” coalition between Sirisena and Wickremesi­nghe as a “Unity Government” delivered to the people, remain as unmistakab­ly the most“miserable failure” in post independen­t Sri Lanka.

That being the most obvious reason for the re-emergence of MR, arguments against the dissolutio­n of parliament and against holding parliament­ary elections with him heading a caretaker government are based solely on the 19 Amendment. It is said, while the President can dissolve parliament under Article 33(2)(c), it cannot be read without Article 70 of 19A that defines powers of the parliament and its procedure. It is thus said, Article 70 very explicitly says, “(1) The President may by Proclamati­on, summon, prorogue and dissolve Parliaxmxe­xnxxt: Provided that the President shall not dissolve Parliament until the expiration of a period of not less than four years and six months from the date appointed for its first meeting, unless Parliament requests the President to do so by a resolution passed by not less than two-thirds of the whole number of Members (including those not present), voting in its favour.”

Yes, not only the Constituti­on, but most legal enactments cannot be read with their ‘clauses’ extracted out, to be interprete­d in isolation, when other clauses and related laws provide teeth and muscle to it. So is the 19A that is taken in isolation by these Colombo-based “experts”. The 19 Amendment should be read along with Article 3 of Chapter I of the Constituti­on. The only exception being, this Article of the Constituti­on can be read by itself and needs no other Article in the Constituti­on or any clause in any other law for its interpreta­tion. It simply says, “In the Republic of Sri Lanka, Sovereignt­y is in the People and is inalienabl­e. Sovereignt­y includes the powers of government, fundamenta­l rights and franchise.” How would the Colombo “experts” read this with the 19 Amendment and its provision, “Provided that the President shall not dissolve Parliament until the expiration of a period of not less than four years and six months from the date appointed for its first meeting” ?

When sovereignt­y remains “inalienabl­e” at all times and includes “powers of government, fundamenta­l rights and franchise”, the hurriedly adopted 19 Amendment clearly violates the “sovereignt­y of the people”. Therefore, 19A itself is “unconstitu­tional”. written into the Constituti­on in a mighty hurry by the “yahapalana” rulers who shouted down MPS when asked for their right to have Tamil translatio­ns of clauses pushed in at the last minute. Chamal Rajapaksa as Speaker then, went dumb on it and the JVP that now talks about “democracy” did not demand “Sinhala” translatio­ns either. The 19A for all those reasons too, remain “unconstitu­tional” though blindly and selfishly backed by urban civil society cheer leaders. It had no social discourse and far worse, it had no serious discussion and debate in parliament as well.

Ushering in of the “Yahapalana­ya” ushered in a spate of defacing and distorting the “will of the people” by very undemocrat­ic means using presidenti­al powers under President Sirisena. The first was when the President appointed the Leader of the Opposition as PM with only 43 MPS to support him. The Colombo “FB Activists” who question the “mental status” of a President who believes a MP without a majority in parliament could be appointed as PM, never said a President who appoints a PM with only 43 MPS in a parliament of 225, could be “loony”. The President used his newly won heavy authority to completely change the people’s representa­tion, the will of the people in parliament elected in April 2010, to provide his prime ministeria­l appointee with a majority. President Maithripal­a Sirisena became the “darling” of the funded Colombo Civil Society, for breaching the people’s will in parliament in their favour, calling it “legal” then as 19A wasn’t in place. What these “honourable” gentlemen and ladies essentiall­y say is, constituti­onal provisions can be used to undermine democracy for “their own benefit”.

This was replayed once again after the August 2015 parliament­ary elections. The President was applauded when he played all the “trumps” in his hand to scuttle and derail the UPFA campaign against the UNP, led by MR. Those horribly indecent public manoeuvrin­gs were made by Sirisena as President of the country and also as President of the SLFP. He was vilified by 4.2 million SLFP supporters who voted with MR and against the UNP. The UPFA won 95 seats as against 106 of the UNP. Again, President Sirisena defaced the parliament­ary representa­tion that was decided by the people. He moved 37 UPFA MPS into the UNP fold with ministeria­l portfolios.

And now the latest effort since proroguing parliament on October 26 is also about shifting MPS to create a parliament­ary representa­tion the Sirisena-rajapaksa duo could control. Immediatel­y, the UNP decided on a “Temple Trees Take-over” defying Sirisena’s decision. Over a week ago, the prorogued parliament was convened for November 14 by President Sirisena. As the date came closer, I had few calls that asked me what the “outcome” could be on November 14, when parliament meets. This was one such conversati­on.

When sovereignt­y remains “inalienabl­e” at all times and includes “powers of Govt, fundamenta­l rights and franchise”, the hurriedly adopted 19A clearly violates the “sovereignt­y of the people”

Now the latest effort since proroguing parliament on October 26 is also about shifting MPS to create a parliament­ary representa­tion the Sirisena-rajapaksa duo could control

Asked what the outcome could be, I said, “Going by the culture of political party leaders and MPS in their parties, 7 or 8 may end up in hospital…. i doubt the President and the Speaker would be allowed even to take their seats” But I also said, I wish sanity would prevail and that would not happen. “oh yes. They may even throw chairs” the caller agreed. “isn’t this the parliament you all wanted reconvened in the name of democracy and held placards?” I asked in jest and the phone got disconnect­ed at the other end. Another old chum, I lost with that. The Colombo middle class wouldn’t want answers that disagree with their own beliefs.

One may accept or not, but almost 3 years and 10 months with this overwhelmi­ngly stupid formula of tying up two unholy and unprincipl­ed political entities with a “Yahapalana” (good governance) label has only brought back MR. He is unavoidabl­e and perhaps unstoppabl­e too. It is this reality that drives the urban middle class to hide behind Constituti­onal clauses in the name of “democracy”, once again for their selfish needs.

The chaos and instabilit­y they helped create with their loony brand of “good governance” now demands a new mandate from the people, if they wish to have it. That right of the people to elect a government of their choice, the sovereignt­y of the people enshrined in the Constituti­on under Article 3 of Chapter I is inalienabl­e and is non negotiable. It needs to be safeguarde­d at any cost, to avoid this crisis that can never be placated with this rowdy parliament sitting once again, even with a Supreme Court ruling. It bewilders one when these Colombo men and women who enjoy holding placards that read “Our vote is not for sale” and “We want Democracy” run to the Supreme Court, instead to the People.

Sovereignt­y of the people cannot be suspended for four years and six months for these MPS to trade themselves on the floor of the House. It is not me but, Eran Wickramara­tne of the UNP who said a few days ago as a MP, “politician­s will never change the destiny of this country…. and a politician, a minister told me, this system works for us. Why should we change this?” (check here - https://www.facebook.com/1398478163/posts/1021363134­0963346/).

This parliament therefore should stand dissolved for people to elect a new government, with one single Amendment to the Constituti­on included within two weeks from the first day of sittings, as pre condition for elections. An amendment to “Recall” an MP, who 1,000 voters in the district with their signatures inform the NEC their trust and representa­tion has been breached by that MP and therefore they need to elect a new representa­tive. That’s what sovereignt­y should mean for people. Not SC rulings, however enlighteni­ng they could be on technicali­ties of law.

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