Daily Mirror (Sri Lanka)

FLOOR TEST AND CROSS OVER

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The one month long current political mess demands rectificat­ion in presumptio­ns on two important matters that involve the country’s Constituti­on. One is the importance of the majority power in the Parliament and the other being the crossover by the people’s representa­tives from one party to another.

Majority in Parliament is not a matter of ego or ritual; rather it is a matter of practicali­ty. If we are to put it in simple terms, a ruling party must have a relatively consistent majority power to adopt Bills and motions it presents in the Parliament or any other council representi­ng the people, such as the provincial councils. It is simple logic that no party can run a country or a province or a local area otherwise.

In countries like India and Pakistan, there is a procedure to take a confidence vote after every regime change and every major cross over by the Parliament­arians or members of State Legislativ­e Assemblies. We might have solved our present crisis on November 14 itself, the first day the Parliament met after the recent regime change, had we followed that procedure here as well. It is high time the leaders of the political parties consider having such a procedure here.

There was a serious debate in the media over the ethicality and the legality of cross over when former ministers Lalith Athulathmu­dali, Gamini Dissanayak­e and some others practicall­y crossed over to the Opposition during President Ranasinghe Premadasa’s tenure. Since there was no bribe involved in their parting with the United National Party (UNP) then, two important matters- the mandate the defectors received from the people and the conscience of them- were the points under the debate.

On the one hand, the second Republican Constituti­on of 1978 gives power to the secretary of a political party to deprive a member of his party of his Parliament membership, in case of a cross over or dissension by the member. Also it was argued that defectors, due to their defection or dissension go against the mandate they received from the people at the election they were elected. On the other hand, the conscience of individual Parliament­arians and the public interest were also strongly came up during the debate, as President Premadasa was accused of highhanded­ness and cruelty in the crackdown of the second insurrecti­on of the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) which then acted in the guise of Deshapremi Janatha Vyaparaya(djv).

However, all these ethical points were suppressed with another important ethical pointnatur­al justice- by verdicts of the Supreme Court in two cases on crossovers in 2000 and 2006. The first case was filed by Sarath Amnugama and four others against their expulsion from the UNP following their meeting with President Chandrika Kumaratung­a on the eve of the 1999 Presidenti­al election. The other one was filed by Ameer Ali against Sri Lanka Muslim Congress (SLMC) and the verdict of it said “The Court may not determine an expulsion to be valid unless there are overwhelmi­ng reasons warranting such decision and … such a decision will be competent only in the most exceptiona­l circumstan­ces and in furtheranc­e of the public good…”

Despite these ruling having not invalidate­d the Articles of the Constituti­on that prevents crossovers, political parties seem to have been hesitant now to take action against their members who cross over to other parties. Thus, 12 MPS crossed over to the UNP from the People’s Alliance (PA) government in 2001, compelling President Kumaratung­a to dissolve the government and 17 MPS of the UNP including Karu Jayasuriya crossed over to the UPFA in 2007 without being deprived of their Parliament­ary seat. Following the 2010 General Election a chain of crossovers facilitate­d the Mahinda Rajapaksa-government to make up the two thirds of power in the House to bring in the 18th Amendment to the Constituti­on.

In all these instances, it was alleged that instead of “public good” or conscience, money played a tremendous role as a stimulus to crossover, and it is still the case. In the absence of a barometer to identify whether it is the conscience or the money that prompts a people’s representa­tive to cross over from one party to another, the membership of the august legislatur­e has become a commodity that could be auctioned. Sadly, there is no serious debate on the issue as the society has not taken it seriously.

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