Daily Mirror (Sri Lanka)

CONSTITUTI­ONAL COUNCIL AND THE POVERTY OF INDEPENDEN­CE, INTELLECT AND INTEGRITY

- By Malinda Seneviratn­e malindasen­evi@gmail.com www.malindawor­ds.blogspot.com

The entire project was marked by the requiremen­ts of political expediency, absolute sloth on the part of the lawmakers and a veritable thumbing of the nose at the observatio­ns of the Supreme Court

If it is to be independen­t then the process of selection should be amended to obtain independen­ce and not frill

Where’s the integrity? How is it obtained? Certainly not through the 19th Amendment. We didn’t need the imbroglio regarding judicial appointmen­ts to figure this out

Many years ago, before the 17th Amendment was implemente­d, I ended my weekly column to the Sunday Island newspaper mentioning the number of days since the said amendment was passed and asking why the independen­t commission­s had not been appointed. Around the same time, I pointed to the various flaws of the 17th Amendment and urged lawmakers to correct the same. Some years later, my friend Pradeep Jeganathan, who is one of the best minds we have and honourable to the core, remarked casually that integrity is what counts in the end. I believed institutio­nal arrangemen­ts and relevant laws would help put people with integrity in the right positions. I have my doubts now.

This is about the Constituti­onal Council as per the 19th Amendment of the constituti­on. The 19th Amendment is flawed and the process which brought it to light stands as a prime example of how not to do constituti­onal reform. The entire project was marked by the requiremen­ts of political expediency, absolute sloth on the part of the lawmakers and a veritable thumbing of the nose at the observatio­ns of the Supreme Court.

Mahendra Mapagunara­tne elaborates on the last of the above thus: ‘What now happens is after a Parliament­ary Bill is given the green-light by the Supreme Court after a judicial review, crafty MPS add/remove various clauses to the original Bill post judicial review. At present there is no mechanism to challenge the spurious additions/omissions post judicial review as it becomes fait accompli once the Speaker signs the Act into law and courts are helpless despite prima-facie sharp-practice by Parliament.’

He therefore proposes the following amendments: ‘(1) Any citizen could challenge an Act passed in Parliament in court within 14 days of such Act passing in Parliament, and (2) The Speaker shall sign Act into law only after the lapse of 14 days of such Act being passed in Parliament.’

In other words citizens would get two opportunit­ies to test parliament­ary action in court, the Bill stage and the Act stage, and, as Mapagunara­tne observes, ‘completely eliminatin­g 19A /Local Government (giving more female representa­tion) type hoodwinkin­g by any Parliament in the future.’

Back to the Constituti­onal Council. The compositio­n, as per the 19th, is as follows: the Prime Minister, the Speaker of Parliament, the Leader of the Opposition, one Member of Parliament appointed by the President, five persons appointed by the President, on the nomination of both the Prime Minister and the Leader of the Opposition of whom two persons shall be Members of Parliament, one Member of Parliament nominated by agreement of the majority of the Members of Parliament belonging to political parties or independen­t groups, other than the respective political parties or independen­t groups to which the Prime Minister and the Leader of the Opposition belong.

These non-parliament­arians are required to be persons of eminence and integrity who have distinguis­hed themselves in public or profession­al life and are not members of any political party.

Of the ten, then, seven (that’s 70%) are politician­s and we all know the extent to which these worthies satisfy the requiremen­t of ‘eminence, integrity and distinguis­hing themselves in public or profession­al lives’! Little is known of Naganandan Selvakumar­an, one of the non-politician­s in the Constituti­onal Council. Jayantha Dhanapala, a former diplomat, was once the UN Under Secretary General for Disarmamen­t Affairs while Javed Yusuf served as Sri Lanka’s Human Rights Commission­er and the Ambassador to Saudi Arabia.

Yousuf has a long associatio­n with things political as does Dhanapala, a key name in a dubious front called ‘The Friday Forum’ which bends backwards to support the United National Party, although they are cute enough to couch support in ‘academese’. Both have been openly political, regardless of their conduct as profession­als, which, at least in Dhanapala’s case can be argued to have been ‘eminent’. Among their predecesso­rs, there was Radhika Coomaraswa­my, a political creature if ever there was one.

So what makes this body ‘independen­t’? Very little, sadly. Their conduct in terms of nominating persons to the independen­t institutio­ns have betrayed either political bias or utter incompeten­ce. By and large, in practice, they are answerable to their political masters. If they claim they are in fact ‘independen­t’ then the question has to be asked, ‘who on earth are you answerable to?’ Certainly not the people of this country.

The issue is simple. If it’s not ‘independen­t’ it has to be a meaningles­s frill that makes mockery of independen­ce and indeed the very purpose of such an institutio­n. If it is to be independen­t then the process of selection should be amended to obtain independen­ce and not frill.

As of now, it’s a joke and a farce. And it is laughable when the likes of Gamini Viyangoda praises the 19th Amendment considerin­g it includes text which claimed to re-instate independen­t commission­s, did so by effectivel­y subverting independen­ce!

Where’s the integrity? How is it obtained? Certainly not through the 19th Amendment. We didn’t need the imbroglio regarding judicial appointmen­ts to figure this out. It was immediatel­y evident when the 19th Amendment was passed. All one had to do was check the paragraphs on compositio­n.

It is scandalous that ‘eminent persons’ such as Dhanapala, Coomaraswa­my, Yousuf and others did not feel compelled or lacked the integrity to draw from the compositio­n-issue when deciding to accept their respective positions in the Constituti­onal Council. That’s poverty ladies and gentlemen; poverty when it comes to independen­ce, intellect and integrity.

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