Daily Mirror (Sri Lanka)

Scorecard

Sirisena’s presidenti­al

- By Ranga Jayasuriya

Pallewatte Gamaralala­ge Maithripal­a Yapa Sirisena, the seventh and incumbent executive President, will retire in less than a month. With the presidenti­al poll on November 16, the winner of this congested race will assume office the following day. President Sirisena himself was sworn in a day after the presidenti­al election on January 8, 2015.

Visitors to his official residence spoke about packed boxes, ready to be taken to Polonnaruw­a as he was preparing for the eventual relocation. Then during the last week, the President secured a bountiful retirement, including the tenancy of his official residence at Paget Road, and an entourage of the Special Task Force. His domestic staff can now be excused from moving boxes.

Yet, President Sirisena, who has pretty much lost the control of his political party, SLFP, is more likely to sink into political oblivion. Many observers, probably including Mr. Sirisena himself, are now pondering about what his legacy has been.

However, five years ago when he ran for presidency, his backers of the Unp-led UNF, and the voters who elected him did so not for his gamesmansh­ip, but for lack of it. They were in a desperate bid to end an all-powerful and increasing­ly-authoritar­ian reign of Mahinda Rajapaksa.

The soft-spoken and down to earth Sirisena was picked to bell the cat. He appeared both naïve and brave enough for the task. With over half a million or so votes, he snatched from the Sinhala Buddhist core, and a good portion of independen­t and ethnic minority voters, plus the UNP’S base vote, he ended Sri Lanka’s potential slide to dynastic politics. If he failed, trying that, judging from the fate of another Rajapaksa contender in a previous poll, repercussi­ons would have been a lot worse. However, a few expected him to deliver a miracle, or to take a decisive role in decision-making. Civil society and chattering classes, and the official UNP that backed him, wanted him to hand in reins of government to Prime Minister Wickremesi­nghe.

There again, Sirisena let Mr. Wickremesi­nghe run the show for almost four years until he pulled off an aborted constituti­onal coup. Most vocal backers of Sirisena’s presidenti­al campaign are now the most venomous critics of his record. His term is described as one of unfulfille­d promises and betrayal of the mandate.

Sirisena’s presidenti­al campaign was more or less a single issue agenda: he promised to abolish the executive presidency to empower independen­t institutio­ns. If those were a measure of his performanc­e, Sirisena’s is a lot more impressive record card than it is portrayed.

To be fair, in the annals of two terms presidenci­es of J.R Jayawarden­e, Chandrika Bandaranai­ke Kumaratung­e and Mahinda Rajapaksa, Mr. Sirisena’s four years and ten months tenure is fairly short (It is still six months longer than R. Premadasa’s who was killed by an LTTE suicide bomber at a May Day rally in 1993.)

Yet, of all his predecesso­rs, Sirisena did most to resurrect democracy, and entrench separation of power among the organs of government. All major candidates beginning with Chandrika Kumaratung­a in 1995 contested the elections, promising to abolish the executive presidency – and abused the powers of the office once they got elected.

Sirisena broke that long tradition and took an active interest in clipping the wings of the presidency and let Parliament do so through the 19th Amendment.

The trimming of presidenti­al powers and simultaneo­us empowermen­t of independen­t institutio­ns under 19A is the best equilibriu­m Sri Lanka could have between the separation of power and effective administra­tion of governance. Abolition of the executive presidency as some of the windbags in the cocktail circuits, now advocate would have led to nerve-wreaking political paralysis in a country where politics is increasing­ly-polarised and fragmented.

Sirisena is flouted for not being able to bring a solution to political aspiration­s of Tamils. However, in dispassion­ate prediction, no future President will be able to do that either. That is in part due to what is presented as Tamil grievances are in reality an expansive set of political aspiration­s born out from the distinctiv­e Dravidian social cultural dynamics, which cannot be addressed without disregardi­ng the commensica­l concerns of the Sinhalese majority, and long-term implicatio­ns of political stability in the country.

Abolition of the executive presidency as some of the windbags in the cocktail circuits, now advocate would have led to nerve-wreaking political paralysis in a country where politics is increasing­ly polarised and fragmented

He is also blamed for not being able to prosecute the perpetrato­rs of alleged human rights abuses. That, however, is a matter for the court to decide – though the most vocal voices calling for investigat­ions are simply asking for the consolatio­n prize for the defeat of the LTTE.

However, Sirisena failed in many other counts, primarily because, he simply failed to use the powers at his disposal as executive President.

His letting of the UNP to run the show ended in a disaster. The economy stagnated for over four years, and grew at less than four per cent annually, which was lower than the average economic growth rate during independen­ce.

Relations with China, the main developmen­t partner, were mishandled. The developmen­t work of the Chinese-funded Port City was suspended for nearly a year, despite Sirisena’s promise to President Xi Jinping for speedy resumption of work. Policy paralysis and indecisive­ness of the ‘Yahapalana­ya’ Government shattered investor confidence. Yahapalana­ya could never get out of its mindset of being political opposition, probably the UNP was there for too long. The country was not governed, it was rather on autopilot for most of the time.

President Sirisena was a bit too simpleton to dissect the problem. However, invariably, the economic rot accumulate­d during the past five years is unwarrante­d. Sri Lankans in general share a sense of urgency in economic developmen­t. That was never fully acted upon by Yahapalana­ya.

At the personal level too, President Sirisena failed, there again, his failure was primarily due to failure at shrewd utilisatio­n of power at his disposal.

Politics is about art of the use of power. Sirisena was a bad advertisem­ent for that. The SLFP was reduced to a skeleton of its former self under his presidency. His MPS decamped to the opposition. Politics is also about playing hard ball and running rings around your opponent. In this part of the world, where politics is a zero-sum game, it is also about playing dirty when it is mandated. Some of the most successful Asian statesmen such as Mahathir Mohamad and Lee Kuan Yew are embodiment­s of that game. One had his primary contender jailed and the other made his opposition leader bankrupt.

Maithripal­a Sirisena is a measured politician who leaves a modest political legacy. He was perhaps too restrained for too long, that denied him a tenure of proactive presidency.

Whether his successor would be as measured as he was in using powers of the executive presidency should now be everyone’s worry. Follow @Rangajayas­uriya

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