Daily Mirror (Sri Lanka)

SRI LANKA’SLAST HOPE

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According to our Foreign Minister, there is nothing worrisome about the fact that 22 countries supported the UNHRC Resolution on Sri Lanka while only 11 opposed it which effectivel­y means they are in support of Sri Lanka. According to Dinesh Gunawarden­a, the most important outcome of the Resolution which was passed on March 22 in Geneva is that 14 states abstained from voting. By his logic it is a victory as he touted, “we welcome the majority of 25 of 47 members in the council to have expressed not to vote against SL”, via a tweet. While our intellectu­al capabiliti­es strain without avail to comprehend the logic, the President, who we may presume, sent the emissaries to UNHRC and might have dictated the stance that we are to take, says boisterous­ly that Sri Lanka will not be pressurize­d by any foreign power.

Until our Foreign Minister showed how adept he was in matters related to UN Resolution­s and foreign policy in general by declaring Sri Lanka “victorious” in Geneva, we in our mediocre intellect as thought we had lost. More dishearten­ed were we to see that India and Japan, two of our long lasting friends in the internatio­nal community had abstained from voting rather than opposing the resolution. Now the Rajapaksa loyalist may attribute factors such as India such as the Tamil Nadu Elections and the debacle over the East Terminal of the Trincomale­e Harbour as the substance behind India’s decision. They may even explain away Japan’s stance by stating that Sri Lanka’s over reliance on China is one that irks Japan and being the reason for the latter’s abstention.

In fact, there are many options available to Sri Lanka. One is to remain as obstinate as the Government has been ever since the present President assumed power declaring that we were to withdraw from the co- sponsorshi­p of the Resolution 30/1 brought on by the Ranil-maithri collation government in October 2015. On the other ends of the spectrum, we can simply cave in to any and every recommenda­tion that might come our way including hybrid courts which any citizen would sense is a serious infringeme­nt of our sovereignt­y. Co-sponsorshi­p was a very unwise, unpatrioti­c and unwarrante­d move made by Sri Lanka and admittedly would have done little to foster reconcilia­tion in the post-war Sri Lanka. But unilateral withdrawal backed by trash talking is hardly the way to serve the country’s interests in the Commission.

Then there are other options like making someone like Wimal Weerawansa lie prostrate before the UN Office in Sri Lanka in what was called a hunger strike and then to gratefully accept some porridge from the President when he visited and give up the hungers trike on the latter’s appeal. Or we can send someone like Sarath Weeraseker­a as the Permanent Representa­tive to the UN and enjoy his theatrics there. But one thing is clear, despite all bravado and balderdash; we are standing on a tripwire that leads to a diplomatic, political, economic and existentia­l disaster.

Many of our friends including India and Japan respected our right to protect our sovereignt­y and territoria­l integrity. They knew how Sri Lanka had to fight the most ruthless and guerrilla outfit in the world. But at the same time they placed their hopes in the Sri Lankan Government­s promises of accountabi­lity and reconcilia­tion

Although not brilliant as our Foreign Minister is, we do remember that Sri Lanka did win the support of easily more than half of the member states to avert a probe into war crimes at the UNHRC in 2009 in the immediate aftermath of the conclusion of the civil war. The vote was 29-12; and was in our favour! Many countries who are now avoiding supporting us voted in our favour, thus creating a firewall against the western powers who were poking their finger too much in to our internal affairs. At that time disappeara­nces were still taking place, thousands of detainees were in camps or in legal custody. Many of the displaced were still in camps and under military control. Why did we win? How could we?

Many of our friends including India and Japan respected our right to protect our sovereignt­y and territoria­l integrity. They knew how Sri Lanka had to fight the most ruthless and guerrilla outfit in the world. But at the same time they placed their hopes in the Sri Lankan Government­s promises of accountabi­lity and reconcilia­tion. The LLRC and the Maxwell Paranagama Commission­s that followed were, at least on face value, were manifestat­ions of the bona fides of our government.

But unfortunat­ely, we all know what came out of the recommenda­tions of those reports and how the Mahinda Rajapaksa regime threw them into the dust bin thus squanderin­g a great chance, an opportunit­y that we might never have again of firstly reconstruc­ting our social fabric that had been torn to shreds by a brutal ethnic civil war and secondly of warding off the poking hand of the western powers who have always been sympatheti­c to the Tamil minorities, if not the LTTE itself. The results were the triple defeats that took place in 2012, 2013 and 2014. As much as we blame the “Yahapalana” government for caving in to pressure and of being back-boneless, it also should be borne in mind it was the disastrous policy adopted by Mahinda Rajapaksa regime at the UNHRC that led to the 30/1 co-sponsorshi­p. There was little choice, to be fair.

Now we are back to square one; we have an uphill battle. Do we think we can do what Donald Trump did when he walked out of UNHRC? Or do we emulate Netanyahu’s Israel, walking out of UNHRC? Or do we do another Weerawansa special this time? Or do we send Sarath Weeraseker­a and sit back in eager anticipati­on of some amusement in the midst of all despair?

OR, do we adopt a principall­y pragmatic approach of taking upon our adversarie­s with well measured, genuine and diplomatic actions that would convince our friends in the internatio­nal community that we are ready to keep the promises we had made of being accountabl­e about the excesses that were unavoidabl­e in civil war brutality? Do we take measures to implement the recommenda­tions of the LLRC and Paranagama Commission­s? Do we show that we are not on a selfisolat­ionist approach and don’t give a fig about being accountabl­e to what our friends expect of us?

We have a lot of friends in the Internatio­nal Community. We have adversarie­s in the UNHRC but even they are not enemies of our nation state. We are not Israel or North Korea. We need to take the moral and ethical high ground that we were within our rights to defend our tiny land mass. That we are aware that there are areas that need to be accounted for. That we intend to ensure that such incidents do not recur and lead to more civil wars.

Then that type of approach gives us the moral upper hand which we are sure will delight and impress our friends who will eagerly come to our help. The most disturbing thing about what happened a week ago in Geneva is not that we lost the vote and our adversarie­s won. It is that we lost our friends who had been with us. But since our Foreign Minster assures us that we won it, all’s good that ends well!

 ??  ?? Sarath Weerasekar­a
Dinesh Gunawardan­a
Sarath Weerasekar­a Dinesh Gunawardan­a

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