Sunday Times (Sri Lanka)

The right to know but how much

- BY NEVILLE DE SILVA

If the schedule has been kept, the long awaited Right to Informatio­n (RTI) Bill should have already been tabled in parliament when this column appears. The new Government has received plaudits from near and far for having presented so quickly legislatio­n that should have been in the statute books at least two decades ago if only those who governed this country previously had had the political will and the courage to do so.

Over the years the public's right of access to informatio­n has come to be recognised and accepted as a fundamenta­l right without which freedom of speech and expression would be far less meaningful even when that is constituti­onally guaranteed.

So while the firm step the Government has taken to provide this statutory right to the people in the first days of its assuming office is a move in the right direction to affirming its stated commitment to transparen­cy and accountabi­lity, it would be prudent to withhold the enthusiasm until we know more.

If I am not mistaken, it was the new secretary to the Media Ministry who said that a committee would be looking at earlier drafts of intended freedom of informatio­n legislatio­n and the current draft bill. If what has now presumably been presented to parliament is the product of their col- lective wisdom, or at least the one that received their approval, it would have been helpful if the ministry had named the persons constituti­ng the committee with their affiliatio­ns.

Though I have trawled, as it is called, various websites including several local newspapers, I could not find the informatio­n I was seeking. If the ministry that seems to be tasked with piloting through this legislatio­n on the right to informatio­n, seems reluctant to provide such basic informatio­n so that the public will have an idea of the persons responsibl­e for scanning the draft and probably giving their okay, it tends to throw some doubt on the government's collective commitment to transparen­cy.

If the Media Ministry which should be the forefront of providing informatio­n was forgetful or neglectful of providing such informatio­n then how much can one expect from other government department­s and public institutio­ns?

I remember reading somewhere remarks by the secretary to the Media Ministry saying there would be representa­tives of the Attorney General's Department and the Justice Ministry on this committee to look at the draft bill. Fine. But they would have been looking at the law and the legal implicatio­ns. I am more concerned, and surely other members of the public would also be, with the others who sat on this committee and who they are affiliated to or with.

I sought this informatio­n for two reasons. Firstly to see how qualified and knowledgea­ble they are on the subject and how representa­tive they are of our diverse population. Secondly, whether the consultati­on, if that is what it was, was wide enough to encompass enough of civil society. After all if such legislatio­n is intended to arm the people with an intrinsic right then there must surely be wide consultati­on with those who would be the ultimate beneficiar­ies of such laws.

I ask because there appear to be contradict­ions and lacuna in the draft and one needs clarificat­ions from the relevant ministry regarding these.

Admittedly I have not been able to look in depth at the draft bill because I received a copy of it only a couple of days ago. I am not commenting on the legal aspects of the law as there will be far more competent persons to do so. My concern is with some of the contents of the Bill as currently presented.

There seems to be a contradict­ion between Clause 12 (1) and Clause 12 (2) in relation to appointmen­ts to the Right to Informatio­n Commission. Clause 12 (1) (b) states "the following persons to be appointed by the Minister" (my italics and presumably it means the Minister in charge of Media and Informatio­n) and lists the categories of those who will constitute the Commission.

But Clause 12(2) states: "Members of the Commission shall be appointed by the President on the recommenda­tions of the Constituti­onal Council. The President shall nominate one of its members to be chairman."

It is the President and the

It is highly unnecessar­y for the ministry secretary to be on the commission since the secretary himself is a public official whose work and accountabi­lity will come under scrutiny. The commission should consist of persons who are not public officials or holding public office for otherwise the Commission will somehow be tainted with a smear of officialdo­m.

Constituti­onal Council, which one expects will be revived with the 19th Amendment that should rightly be involved in making the appointmen­ts and not the minister. Not many will have faith in a commission packed with ministeria­l favourites, would they?

Besides this inconsiste­ncy there is another unhealthy feature in that clause. The Secretary to the Minister handling media is to be a permanent feature on the Commission as deduced by Clause 12 (1) (a). Moreover the same ministry will nom- inate another commission­er. The ministry will not only have its secretary on the commission but also another nominated by it. So there will be two from the ministry in a commission consisting of five or six persons depending on how many are intended to be on it as there is some error in the numbering.

Here then is a commission that has too much official representa­tion particular­ly if it is the minister and not the president who is going to make the appointmen­ts. Furthermor­e this legislatio­n is not merely to benefit the media but the populace at large.

Those who have studied the operation of the Canadian and Australian laws on this subject would find that most of the calls on the authoritie­s came not from the media but from the public at large. Inquiries by the media were 20 per cent or even less.

It is highly unnecessar­y for the ministry secretary to be on the commission since the secretary himself is a public official whose work and accountabi­lity will come under scrutiny. The commission should consist of persons who are not public officials or holding public office for otherwise the Commission will somehow be tainted with a smear of officialdo­m.

Clause 31 also causes concern. It says that the granting of access to informatio­n does not constitute an authorisat­ion or approval by a public authority or the commission of the publicatio­n of such informatio­n by the person to whom that access was granted.

Let's consider the case of a journalist who has sought informatio­n and that informatio­n has been made available to him/her. Why should the fact that informatio­n has been officially conveyed to that person not be considered official enough to be published? What is that public authority fighting shy of ? Surely it must be clear enough to the drafters of this bill that if the media seeks informatio­n as it will be its statutory right and is given access to it, then they will be using that informatio­n immediatel­y or later. There is no need for the media or the public to seek informatio­n purely for their edificatio­n. It is for use one way or another. So if there is no granting of authorisat­ion what does it mean as far as receivers of informatio­n are concerned? If the circumstan­ces require the media to declare where the informatio­n came from or quote the source would it amount to some infringeme­nt? Perhaps it is best that the need for this clause be explained for public benefit.

Moreover the time gap between the initial making of a request for informatio­n and it being made available seems too long. Those who have regularly attended parliament know only too well how answers to oral and written questions often take months before an answer is forthcomin­g, if it is answered at all. Some ministers do not even turn up in the House to answer questions addressed to them.

If there are time lags of six weeks or so, that culture of procrastin­ation that afflicts parliament could become institutio­nalised in a bureaucrac­y already accustomed to lethargy, delay and prevaricat­ion in the performanc­e of its public duties.

One hopes that the ensuing debate on this bill will meet some of the concerns at least and make clear what is intended. There are also lacuna that need to be addressed and the bill fine-tuned to serve its purpose which is essentiall­y to empower the people in the hope of instilling transparen­cy and accountabi­lity in an over-politicise­d administra­tion and corruption and bribery will be effectivel­y dealt with.

But as we know there is many a slip between the cup and the lip. So it is better to wait and see whether that gap will be closed and how.

 ??  ?? Cry for media freedom: Let there be an R2I Act that will empower the people
Cry for media freedom: Let there be an R2I Act that will empower the people

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