Sunday Times (Sri Lanka)

Will complying with UNHCR settle our woes?

- By Upali Cooray

Human rights groups in Latin America have filed lawsuits against a former Sri Lankan general who was the ambassador to Brazil and accredited to Peru, Chile, Argentina and Suriname.

Carlos Castresana Fernández, the lawyer coordinati­ng the effort has said “This is one genocide that has been forgotten, but this will force democratic countries to do something. The lawyer coordinati­ng the lawsuit against Jayasuriya, has worked on internatio­nal cases against war criminals in Gutemala, Argentina and Chile.

In the case of Chilean General Augusto Pinochet he ended up being arrested and held for a time in England because of internatio­nal lawsuits filed against him.

The previous government of Sri Lanka which ended the almost thirty year old war against separatist in 2009 was re-elected by the vast majority of people as gratitude in liberating the country. However the post war government commenced violating civil rights of the people by abductions of opponents, human rights activists, journalist­s and others with impunity. Thus the human rights lobbies specially in Europe including LTTE diaspora campaigned to enforce sanctions against Sri Lanka. The government’s efforts such as assigning US lobby firms to counter the allegation­s by spending more than five billion US dollars could have been done by the Sri Lankan embassy in Washington DC at no extra cost. Thus sanctions were being imposed according to the UNHCR resolution passed; spear headed by the US.

In 2015 the new SirisenaWi­ckremesing­he government cosponsore­d a resolution (30/1) with US and other member countries to address the human rights violations in the country during the internal war and thereafter. It contains 25 key undertakin­gs by the Sri Lankan Government across a range of human rights issues. Now the UNHCR has expressed its concern about the actual willingnes­s of the government to fully implement all aspects of the resolution 30/1. A key element of the resolution consists of transition­al justice promises: a special court including internatio­nal judges and prosecutor­s to try all parties to the conflict, an office on missing and disappeare­d persons, a truth seeking and reconcilia­tion mechanism and a reparation­s mechanism. The government has made only halting progress in fulfilling these commitment­s. The office on missing and disappeare­d persons is yet to be establishe­d. The ongoing resistance to any foreign involvemen­t in the four mechanisms is coming not only from officials but also from the president and the prime minister. The will to implement any of the proposals is dwindling.

In an evaluation of the diagnosis for a negotiated settlement of the Sri Lankan conflict one needs to recognise certain other obstacles such as the increasing political unrest engendered by political volatility and economic sluggishne­ss to a resumption of the related efforts. The upsurge of organised crime in its branched connection­s could be considered as representi­ng the most pronounced elements in the prevailing trend of increasing social unrest. The devaluatio­n of life and the deteriorat­ion of moral values resulting from more than three decades of almost ceaseless civil war, the heartlessl­y competitiv­e culture created by the orientatio­n of economy towards unhindered market forces, and the social isolation of youth caused by poverty and unemployme­nt could all be considered as providing the general context of this phenomenon. Its specific causes include large scale desertions from the armed forces, estimated in excess of 40,000, alongside the accompanyi­ng infiltrati­on of small arms to the civilian population, and the advent of Sri Lanka as an transit point in the internatio­nal trade in narcotics. It has thus been possible for groups of persons, dehumanise­d by their military experience­s and trained in the use of modern weaponry, to engage in highly profitable crime such as traffickin­g of people, drugs and arms, money laundering and organised vice, and thus obtain ample wealth and prominence to wield considerab­le influence in political affairs of the country through inter-symbiotic networks of contact with politician­s, trade union leaders, media personnel and the police. Again army deserters who have found a safe haven in the underworld, have been observed to work as bodyguards of politician­s. The underworld links which politician­s so forge have contribute­d to a phenomenon which many observers have referred to as ‘criminalis­ation of politics’.

The other prominent elements of social unrest in the country are the high rates of suicide, the high incidence of drug addiction, the endemicity of trade union unrest, especially government controlled services such as those of the health sector and public transport, the repeated disruption of state sector higher education institutio­ns through clashes among student groups, and frequent hartals and fasts staged by alienated segments of society such as unemployed youth. These problems coexist with rampant violations of civil rights. The effectiven­ess of legal safeguards against such violations varies widely both with temporal changes in political scene as well as with status variations of individual­s in society. Even in times of political stability violations of rights occur particular­ly in the course of law enforcemen­t. Inoffensiv­ely called “excesses of the security forces” these take the form of coercion, use of excessive force, extrac- tion of informatio­n and confession­s through torture and the administra­tion of summary punishment on those deemed to have committed a crime. Typically it is the poor who are more vulnerable to such violations, and also fail to obtain legal redress when rights are denied. When political upheavals occur, there is invariably an extension of civil rights violations towards the higher social strata, even the elite do not remain entirely immune.

Thus one can categorica­lly say that the panacea that is being prescribed by the UNHCR (UN Refugee Agency) and the west is not a solution for all our ills.

As the Sinhala idiom goes “Vatath Niyarath Goyam ka nam, kata kiyamida me amaruwa?” (To whom should I tell this woe, if the fence and ridge of the paddy field meant for the safety of the field: is eating the paddy?)

In 2015 the new Sirisena -Wickremesi­nghe government cosponsore­d a resolution (30/1) with US and other member countries to address the human rights violations in the country during the internal war and thereafter.

 ??  ??

Newspapers in English

Newspapers from Sri Lanka