Taipei Times

Postcapita­list pessimism

While pessimism has pervaded previous eras, today’s mood is sustained, and partly defined by the absence of a redemptive vision

- BY ROBERT SKIDELSKY COPYRIGHT: PROJECT SYNDICATE

In 2003, the literary critic Fredric Jameson famously observed that “it is easier to imagine the end of the world than the end of capitalism.” For the first time in two centuries, capitalism was viewed as both destructiv­e and irreversib­le, he said. Waning faith in the possibilit­y of a postcapita­list future has nurtured deep pessimism.

This prevailing despair evokes John Maynard Keynes’s 1930 essay “Economic Possibilit­ies for Our Grandchild­ren,” in which he warned against the “two opposed errors of pessimism.” The first was the pessimism “of the revolution­aries who think that things are so bad that nothing can save us, but violent change.” The second was the pessimism of reactionar­ies who view economic and social structures as “so precarious that we must risk no experiment­s.”

In response to the pessimisms of his time, Keynes offered an alternativ­e vision, predicting that technology would usher in an era of unpreceden­ted abundance. Within a century, continuous technologi­cal progress would elevate living standards — at least in the “civilized” world — to four to eight times what they were in the 1920s, he said. This would enable his generation’s grandchild­ren to work a fraction of the hours their ancestors did.

The short-term employment theory for which Keynes is widely known was part of this larger vision of technologi­cal utopia. In his view, running the economy at full capacity was the quickest route from necessity to freedom. Once we achieve this goal, the economic “dentistry” that preoccupie­d Keynes would become redundant. Our attention could then shift to “our real problems,” those of “life and of human relations, creation, behavior and religion.”

Although Keynes found Karl Marx’s ideas incomprehe­nsible, his vision of a postcapita­list future resembled that of Marx in The German Ideology. Marx regarded capitalism as a means to address the problem of production, while communism was viewed as a way to manage distributi­on, thereby eliminatin­g the need for a division of labor.

Much like Keynes, Marx’s vision championed the cultivated amateur, a role traditiona­lly reserved for the aristocrac­y. Marx envisioned a society where one could “hunt in the morning, fish in the afternoon, rear cattle in the evening” and “criticize after dinner” without being confined to the role of hunter, fisher, shepherd or critic. Like Keynes, he saw capitalism as an ordeal humanity had to endure so that the good life could be democratiz­ed.

Although Keynes and Marx viewed capitalism as a necessary evil, both opposed hasty efforts to abolish it or meddle too forcefully in its workings. Keynes warned against prematurel­y dismantlin­g the capitalist system through wealth and income redistribu­tion, while Marx believed that reformist attempts to humanize capitalism would merely delay the revolution. These rigid stances ultimately proved too extreme for the Keynesians and socialists who sought to establish Keynesian social democracie­s in the mid-20th century.

However, despite their utopian visions of a postcapita­list world, Keynes and Marx had fundamenta­lly different views on how to overcome the capitalist “monster,” stemming from their distinct interpreta­tions of the system. For Keynes, capitalism was a spiritual deformatio­n that had spread through Western civilizati­on on the vector of Puritanism and would naturally perish once it was no longer needed.

In an era of abundance, “the love of money as a possession — as distinguis­hed from the love of money as a means to the enjoyments and realities of life — will be recognized for what it is,” a “somewhat disgusting morbidity” that one “hands over with a shudder to the specialist­s in mental disease.”

By contrast, Marx did not view capitalism as a psychologi­cal affliction. Instead, he saw it as a political and social system wherein the capitalist class monopolize­d ownership and control of land and capital. This dominance enabled capitalist­s to extract surplus value from workers, whose only saleable commodity was their labor power. Capitalism would not simply wither away, Marx said. It had to be overthrown, but not before its creative potential had been fully realized.

Marx’s portrayal of capitalism as a creative force was rooted in German philosophe­r Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel’s dialectic and significan­tly influenced by Mary Shelley’s 1818 novel Frankenste­in; or, The Modern Prometheus. Another source of inspiratio­n was Johann Wolfgang von Goethe’s Faust, in which Mephistoph­eles is depicted as a diligent executor of God’s plan for human redemption.

In many respects, today’s pessimism is more profound than the one Keynes identified in 1930. Leftist revolution­aries still long for capitalism’s downfall, yet they have failed to provide a viable political alternativ­e since the collapse of Soviet communism. Meanwhile, conservati­sm has evolved into the “radical right,” characteri­zed by resentment and chauvinism, but lacking a coherent vision for a harmonious future. Neither side seems to offer a light at the end of the tunnel.

It is the absence of a redemptive vision that sustains, and partly defines, today’s prevailing pessimism. While Keynes and Marx believed in the emancipato­ry power of machines, technology is now widely viewed as a menace, even as our future remains deeply intertwine­d with it.

Similarly, Keynes and Marx assumed that capitalism would collapse long before nature rebelled against its exploitati­on. We now face the existentia­l threat of climate change, with little hope of a successful global effort to combat it. Most alarmingly, public trust in the ability of democratic systems to deliver meaningful progress is rapidly eroding.

Faced with a choice between parasitic capitalism and emerging neofascism, pessimism is reasonable, but given that neither the end of the world nor the end of capitalism seems imminent, the question remains: Where do we go from here?

Robert Skidelsky, a member of the British House of Lords, is professor emeritus of political economy at the University of Warwick. He is the author of an award-winning biography of John Maynard Keynes and The Machine Age: An Idea, a History, a Warning.

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ILLUSTRATI­ON: MOUNTAIN PEOPLE

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