Taipei Times

China focus of US intelligen­ce report

- ANTONIO GRACEFFO Antonio Graceffo, a China economic analyst who holds a China MBA from Shanghai Jiao Tong University, studies national defense at the American Military University in West Virginia.

“CHINA HAS THE capability to directly compete with the United States and US allies, and to alter the rules-based global order in ways that support Beijing’s power and form of governance over that of the United States,” the Annual Threat Assessment of the US Intelligen­ce Community issued by the US Office of the Director of National Intelligen­ce on Feb. 5 says.

Each year, the US Intelligen­ce Community publishes its Annual Threat Assessment. In this year’s report, China maintains its position as the primary threat, followed by Russia, Iran and North Korea, alongside internatio­nal issues and non-state actors such as transnatio­nal criminal organizati­ons and terrorist groups. These rankings have been altered little over the past five or more years.

The intelligen­ce community is a comprehens­ive grouping comprised of two independen­t agencies — the Office of the Director of National Intelligen­ce and the CIA — along with nine bodies under the US Department of Defense and seven divisions of other department­s and agencies.

Each organizati­on within the intelligen­ce community operates with a distinct mandate and perspectiv­e when analyzing threats. The Department of Homeland Security (DHS) prioritize­s domestic threats, focusing on issues such as crime, drug traffickin­g, money laundering and cybercrime within the US. Conversely, the agencies and bodies under the defense department primarily address military threats to US foreign policy objectives overseas.

There is some overlap in mandates among the agencies. For example, the DHS, FBI and US Drug Enforcemen­t Agency share concerns about narco-traffickin­g, while the DHS, FBI and the US Department of the Treasury focus on financial crimes. China poses a threat across all these domains.

It is vital to adopt a comprehens­ive defense strategy against China because Beijing utilizes a whole-of-society approach and a public-private partnershi­p known as “military-civil fusion” to achieve its policy goals.

China “combines its economic heft with its growing military power, and its diplomatic and technologi­cal dominance for a coordinate­d approach to strengthen CCP [Chinese Communist Party] rule, secure what it views as its sovereign territory and regional preeminenc­e, and pursue global power,” the intelligen­ce report says.

The advancemen­t of modern technology, including artificial intelligen­ce (AI) and satellite communicat­ions, along with the risks associated with hacking, has introduced new areas of threats, compelling agencies and entities to develop cybersecur­ity defenses, detection methods and prosecutio­n mechanisms. China has been identified as one of the primary cyberthrea­ts, engaging in state-backed hacking attacks against the US.

Due to the threats posed to US energy infrastruc­ture, the US Department of Energy’s Office of Intelligen­ce and CounterInt­elligence has significan­tly increased in importance. China’s potential to disrupt US energy grids, causing widespread chaos, underscore­s the urgency of addressing this issue.

Similarly, China’s increasing threat in space prompted former US president Donald Trump to establish the US Space Force in 2019. Working alongside the US National Geospatial-Intelligen­ce Agency and the US National Reconnaiss­ance Office, the Space Force’s intelligen­ce department is involved in defending terrestria­l targets from Chinese space weapons. Moreover, they are tasked with monitoring China’s activities from space, conducting space-based intelligen­ce, surveillan­ce and reconnaiss­ance, and safeguardi­ng US satellites.

China has articulate­d its ambitions as part of the modernizat­ion of the Chinese People’s Liberation Army (PLA), with a stated goal of becoming a world-class leader in space by 2030. By then, China aims to have developed its space-based intelligen­ce, surveillan­ce and reconnaiss­ance capabiliti­es. PLA military strategies are expected to incorporat­e counterspa­ce operations, including the deployment of counterspa­ce weapons targeting US and allied satellites. China has already developed electronic warfare systems, directed energy weapons and anti-satellite missiles capable of targeting, disrupting, damaging and destroying satellites.

In modern warfare, reliance on electricit­y and satellites is so profound that a cyber or space weapon attack could disrupt navigation, communicat­ion and missile targeting capabiliti­es. Recent conflicts, such as the wars in Myanmar and Ukraine, highlight the critical role of satellite-dependent systems such as Starlink for troop communicat­ion and navigation. Moreover, satellites are utilized in Ukraine for missile targeting, detection and guidance.

China seeks to become a world science and technology superpower, employing means such as investment, scientific partnershi­ps, acquisitio­ns, hacking and intellectu­al property theft, the report says.

This encompasse­s diverse fields such as DNA sequencing, precision medicine, agricultur­al biotechnol­ogy, advanced cryptocurr­ency mining chips, AI, biotechnol­ogy, quantum informatio­n science and semiconduc­tors. Beijing also aims to exert influence over internatio­nal AI regulation­s through endeavors such as the Global AI Governance Initiative, promoting its censorship and objectives in that domain.

The PLA is poised to persist in its modernizat­ion efforts while enhancing its arsenal of weapons of mass destructio­n, particular­ly nuclear weapons.

“Beijing will focus on building a fully modernized national defense and military force by 2035 and for the PLA to become a world-class military by 2049,” the report says.

That entails the constructi­on of aircraft carriers and the expansion of the navy, with the aim of rivaling the US. PLA ground, naval and air forces would intensify the realism of their drills, with a specific focus on Taiwan.

Expect to see an increase in mockups and simulation­s aimed at preparing the PLA and intimidati­ng Taiwan. This year and beyond, Beijing is expected to continue applying military and economic pressure on Taiwan, while engaging in disinforma­tion campaigns across the Strait. In the South China Sea, China would further leverage its expanding military and maritime capabiliti­es to intimidate rival claimants, notably the Philippine­s and Vietnam. Similarly, China would sustain pressure on Japan over disputed territorie­s.

Additional­ly, Beijing would continue its diplomatic initiative­s through China-led forums and groupings, including BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa), the Belt and Road Initiative, the Shanghai Cooperatio­n Organizati­on, the Global Developmen­t Initiative and the Global Security Initiative. By spearheadi­ng multilater­al organizati­ons and agreements, Beijing seeks to challenge the Western-led, rulesbased internatio­nal order.

Chinese President Xi Jinping’s (習近平) emphasis on security and military modernizat­ion is impeding his ability to address pressing domestic economic issues such as an aging society, banking problems, a debt crisis and high youth unemployme­nt. The prioritiza­tion of national security has led to the enactment of new laws — including a counteresp­ionage law — which are deterring muchneeded foreign direct investment, already at a 30-year low.

Despite anti-corruption efforts, particular­ly those targeting the military, corruption remains persistent due to the hierarchic­al structure of the CCP, in which individual­s at the top wield significan­tly more wealth and privilege than those at the bottom.

The emphasis on security, leading to assertive foreign policies, is eroding China’s diplomatic and soft power. With North Korea as its sole official ally, China’s closest relationsh­ips are with heavily sanctioned pariah states such as Russia, Iran and Afghanista­n. Despite Xi’s aspiration­s to position himself as the champion and leader of the Global South, his endeavors are met with skepticism and reluctance, particular­ly as India vies for a similar role.

China remains the foremost threat to US foreign policy and the Western-led internatio­nal order. While it excels in technology and military advancemen­ts, it falls short in diplomacy and coalition building. Its economic power is expected to decline due to factors such as decreased foreign investment as result of heightened internal security measures and increased defense spending at the expense of civil society. This leaves persistent structural economic issues like aging, debt and the real-estate crisis unaddresse­d.

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