Bangkok Post

THE FEDERAL RESERVE’S DOLLAR DISTRACTIO­N

- BY INVITATION GITA GOPINATH Gita Gopinath is a professor of economics at Harvard University. She is a visiting scholar at the Federal Reserve Bank of Boston, a research associate with the National Bureau of Economic Research, and a World Economic Forum Y

In its September policy statement, the US Federal Reserve took into considerat­ion — in a major way — the impact of global economic developmen­ts on the US, and thus on US monetary policy. Indeed, the Fed decided to delay raising interest rates partly because US policymake­rs expect dollar appreciati­on, by lowering import prices, to undermine their ability to meet their 2% inflation target.

In reality, while currency movements can have a significan­t impact on inflation in other countries, dollar movements have rarely had a meaningful or durable impact on prices in the US. The difference, of course, lies in the US dollar’s dominant role in the invoicing of internatio­nal trade: prices are set in dollars.

Just as the dollar is often the unit of account in debt contracts, even when neither the borrower nor the lender is a US entity, the dollar’s share in invoicing for internatio­nal trade is around 4.5 times America’s share of world imports, and three times its share of world exports. The prices of some 93% of US imports are set in dollars.

In this environmen­t, the pass-through effect of dollar movements into non-fuel US import prices is one of the lowest in the world, in both the short term (three months out) and the longer term (two years out), for three key reasons. First, internatio­nal trade contracts are renegotiat­ed infrequent­ly, which means that dollar prices are “sticky” for an extended period — around 10 months — despite fluctuatio­ns in the exchange rate.

Second, because most exporters also import intermedia­te inputs that are priced in dollars, exchange-rate fluctuatio­ns have a limited impact on their costs and thus on their incentive to change dollar prices. And, third, exporters who wish to preserve their share in world markets — where prices are largely denominate­d in dollars — choose to keep their dollar prices stable, to avoid falling victim to idiosyncra­tic exchangera­te movements.

What little impact import price shocks have on US inflation is highly transitory, with most of the effect tapering off after just two quarters. A sharp 10% appreciati­on of the US dollar, for example, would reduce inflation for non-fuel imports by 4.4% cumulative­ly over the next two to three quarters, but would have only a negligible impact on inflation after that point.

If one accounts for consumer goods expenditur­e on imports, that 10% appreciati­on would lower inflation, as measured by the consumer price index (CPI), by just 0.5 percentage points in the first two quarters. And that is likely to be an upper bound, because it assumes that US retailers will pass through to consumers the full amount of any increase in import prices.

In practice, they are more likely to increase retail markups and lower cost pass-through. The estimated price passthroug­h for imported manufactur­ed goods, which would better represent what enters the consumptio­n bundle, is even lower than that for all nonfuel imports.

Although these factors insulate the US from the inflationa­ry pressures stemming from exchange-rate fluctuatio­ns, they increase the vulnerabil­ity of other countries, especially emerging economies. Because the dollar prices of most of these countries’ imports are not very responsive to exchange-rate movements, the pass-through effect of those movements into import prices denominate­d in their home currencies is close to 100%.

The impact of exchange-rate movements on inflation in most countries is thus 3-4 times larger than in the United States. A 10% depreciati­on of the Turkish lira, for example, would raise cumulative CPI inflation in Turkey by anywhere from 1.65 to 2.03 percentage points, over two years, all else being equal.

Despite this imbalance, the dollar’s dominance as an invoicing currency is unlikely to change anytime soon — not least because bringing about a shift would require coordinati­on among a huge number of exporters and importers. The euro might seem like a strong contender, given the volume of trade among euro zone countries, but outside Europe, the currency is not used nearly as widely as the dollar.

In deciding when to normalise interest rates, the Fed has placed considerab­le weight on the weakness of inflation, and its global underpinni­ngs. But while it is true that some global developmen­ts — especially falling commodity prices, and perhaps also slowing emerging-economy growth and rising financial volatility — may push down inflation, dollar appreciati­on will not, at least not in any meaningful way. A stronger dollar thus is not a legitimate reason to delay the normalisat­ion of US interest rates.

Newspapers in English

Newspapers from Thailand