Reform must be revived

It now seems clear that Prime Minister Prayut Chan-ocha has abandoned his promise to reform the Royal Thai Police (RTP). Straightening out the police was just part of the overall National Council for Peace and Order (NCPO) reform plans after the May 22, 2014, coup. But this was arguably the most important and definitely the most popular. For years, it seemed the RTP was like the weather; everyone complained, but no one was able to do anything about it.

This is a national shame. Right at this moment, the need for reform literally stares the nation in the face from media front pages. An investigation likely to go nowhere has begun over a video showing many policemen lining up to receive Chinese New Year ang pao red envelopes from a man, later identified as Pol Sub Lt Manas Termtanasak. Initial media reports said the man is believed to be “an influential figure”, supposedly the very rich owner of a Bangkok casino.

And it is not a case of one shameful act (although no police seem ashamed). A case on a far grander scale is currently in the hands of the Department of Special Investigation (DSI). It has been revealed that while he was national police chief, at the time of an intense crackdown on human traffickers, nowretired Pol Gen Somyot Poompunmuang was 300 million baht in debt to a “friend” well known for his close association with brothels, child sex trafficking and the like. That friend, Kampol Wirathepsuporn, is currently a fugitive, following a raid on one of his massage parlours.

If the need for reform is so blatant, one wonders why Gen Prayut and his junta’s first efforts were so weak and scattered — doomed from the start. Arrayed against the paltry efforts was the fit and bureaucratically able police force. The RTP’s information machine and top generals publicly supported reform. Behind the scenes they fought it, tooth and nail.

Police oppose the junta’s reform efforts for two reasons. The first is the normal bureaucratic aversion to any major changes. On top of that, the police want to control reform. That is why Gen Prayut convinced the impressive Gen Boonsrang Niumpradit to run a reform commission. A West Point graduate, commander of peacekeeping operations in emerging East Timor, Gen Boonsrang is not just above personal reproach but an impressive intellectual as well.

Gen Boonsrang was appointed on July 7 at a lavish ceremony attended by Prime Minister Prayut without an outline of what the junta really wanted. As always, no public input was sought or allowed. Gen Prayut told the media that the former supreme commander had until March, or nine months to report back with a comprehensive reform plan for the police.

Almost immediately, things went downhill. On Nov 15, some four months after an optimistic beginning, the Boonsrang commission ended in ignominious fashion. Prime Minister Prayut did not attend the extremely modest ceremony where Gen Boonsrang handed in his final, austere report.

That document on “police reform” contained one single meaningful proposal. It was that, effective immediately, the Police Commission would take over the job of picking every new police chief. The outgoing chief would have the right to suggest subordinates, but would hold no power in actually naming his successor. A separate useful recommendation from the National Legislative Assembly would delegate the power of reshuffle to regional headquarters, to weaken and break the corrupt system of promotions and postings.

These are barely the start of the reforms, which must include living conditions and pay for police. Most importantly, to end the culture of corruption, promotions and postings must be made on merit, not on payment and the old-boy network.

A strong government-backed effort is urgently needed to begin again and make police reform a reality.

After an optimistic beginning, the Boonsrang commission ended in ignominious fashion.