Chalermchai shoots down Nitirat’s fears
Army commander Chalermchai Sitthisad yesterday warned Thammasat law lecturer and Nitirat group leader Worachet Pakeerut to keep his thoughts to himself, ruling out fears of violence as suggested by the academic if an outsider prime minister is installed.
“Everything is following the roadmap. Don’t think too far ahead. Let’s proceed to an election and solve the problems along the way. Don’t think about an outsider prime minister just yet. It will only drive people crazy and stop us moving forward,” he said.
Gen Chalermchai, who is also secretarygeneral of the National Council for Peace and Order (NCPO), was reacting to Mr Worachet’s warning that the country should have learnt its lesson after the bloodshed of Black May in 1992.
The academic’s concerns came amid reports that some political groups, as well as a majority of respondents in a recent poll, would support Prime Minister Prayut Chan-o-cha, who is also the NCPO leader, to return to the role after an election.
The Black May incident occurred in 1992 when street protests led to a military crackdown after Gen Suchinda Kraprayoon, then army chief and a key coup leader, was chosen by parliament to become the country’s 19th prime minister.
Asked about calls by new political parties for the military should be downsized after an election, Gen Chalermchai said the military has already undertaken several reforms but is willing to adapt to meet Thailand’s needs.
He also rejected concerns that the National Legislative Assembly’s decision to submit an organic bill on the selection of senators to the Constitutional Court for a ruling would affect the roadmap, saying the general election should take place in February next year.
Gen Chlaermchai, who is also an NLA member, said he voted to pass both the election laws and expressed confidence that both pieces of legislation would not run into problems with the constitution.
In a separate development, Gen Prayut warned yesterday that elections could be pushed back if political parties failed to show up for talks scheduled for June.
He said the political parties must be asked about their plans for national development.
“If they don’t show up, an election date can’t be set,” he said.
Asked if this would be seen as interference in the affairs of those political parties, he said they would not be discussing party platforms or manifestos.
“They are welcome to attend. I won’t break a promise. The election will take place and I’ll set the date myself [if political parties refuse to take part],” he said.
Late last month, Gen Prayut said he would call a meeting with political parties to determine the election timeframe and encourage them to make a public commitment on a national unity strategy.
Meanwhile, Korkaew Pikulthong, a key figure in the red-shirt United Front for Democracy against Dictatorship, said no political parties would turn up if they were asked to discuss their platforms.
“Some might be willing to show up if they are provided with an official agenda ahead of time,” he said.
Worachet Pakeerut is the leader of Nitirat, a group of progressive law scholars, and a law professor at Thammasat University. He talks to NATTAYA CHETCHOTIROS about the emergence of Anakhot Thai — the Future Forward Party — headed by Thanathorn Juangroongruangkit and Piyabutr Saengkanokkul.
What are your views on the new party, which is drawing public attention even though it has yet to announce its party manifesto or any policies?
I can’t give any assessment of this party because it has yet to be formally set up. But the party has really started with a big splash. Mr Thanathorn appears very likable in the media and his style of talking is captivating. He has a character that can make people impressed. But I’ve never met him in person. I only know him from the media. Nonetheless, I’m impressed when he said that he would not expect to do less than “change the country”. That was an impressive and powerful statement. It shows leadership. By the way, Mr Thanathorn also made a good choice regarding the party’s name.
But for me, this party conspicuously lacks diversity as it is comprised mainly of activists. A political party needs to be bolstered by figures with a range of experience. It needs diversity. But to be fair, the party is still being formed and political activities are restricted. He may be able to expand and draw more diverse groups of people after this. He needs “magnets”. Two [magnetic personalities] will not be enough.
It’s too soon to evaluate how many seats the party is likely to win. But if there are only two [figureheads], that should be a cause for concern. I mean, who can compete with the Democrat Party in the South? The new party will have to field candidates across the country to get all the votes it can muster. That is no mean feat.
‘‘ Fans of the Pheu Thai Party will vote for it regardless, but those who oppose the military regime may lean towards the Anakhot Mai Party.
Do you think they will win any seats?
I think so. The party is likely to win seats from votes gathered from the constituency system and in urban areas. It is striking a chord with young people and certain groups. But it may need to focus on more political issues that appeal to voters. In order to stay in politics, it will need to have a comprehensive policy covering other issues such as foreign and economic affairs. It also needs to appeal to voters.
Can it become a mainstream party?
Mr Piyabutr has made it clear that he is in this for the long haul. He won’t quit if he loses this election. He’s prepared to make a long-term assessment. He has set out to engage in politics for 10 years, not just a few years, and he will make changes over time. He has the determination and I respect his decision to leave academia. If he doesn’t succeed the first time round, we couldn’t really call that a failure.
What do you make of critics who say the party is
WORACHET PAKEERUT LEADER OF NITIRAT GROUP
simply an offshoot of the Pheu Thai Party, or that they will become allies?
Political allegiances are likely to be forged after the election. There is no indication that will happen at this stage. I just want to give Mr Piyabutr some moral support. He knew what lay in store when he opted to enter the political fray. His timing was good.
He would become an MP if he were to join Pheu Thai. As for Mr Thanathorn, do you really believe he received funds from former prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra to set up a political party? I believe he has jumped into politics because he wants to effect change. He also plans to mobilise funds, instead of using his own money. He is not part of Pheu Thai. He will have to fight for every vote he gets in an electoral campaign. There’s no room for collusion. Once the contest is over, who choose to work with who will depend on party policy.
Mr Thanathorn may elect to work with the Democrat Party if their policies click. As far as I know, the Anakhot Mai Party rejects the idea of an “outsider” prime minister, but if the Democrat Party shares the same creed, they could form an alliance. Such criticism could discredit the Anakhot Mai Party. Why isn’t anyone linking the “Krean” Party of Sombat Boonngamanong with Pheu Thai? I don’t think the Anakhot Mai Party or the Pheu Thai Party have the same political support base. Fans of the Pheu Thai Party will vote for it regardless, but those who oppose the military regime may lean towards the Anakhot Mai Party. So this new group could entice new voters to participate.
Do you think the election will be delayed now the National Legislative Assembly has decided to ask the Constitutional Court to rule on an organic bill on the selection of senators?
I don’t have much faith in the roadmap, which has already been delayed several times. We don’t know if it will be pushed back further because there are several ways the regime can do this. But I don’t think Section 44 will be invoked to cause another delay.
Even though there appears to be a separation of powers between the regime, the government and the NLA, this is really a false separation. The regime may argue it has nothing to do with the decisions made by the NLA, but we can’t ignore the reality of the situation. Remember when Borwornsak Uwanno’s charter draft was rejected? He hinted there were authorities more powerful than the now-defunct National Reform Council! We don’t know what these are, exactly ... When the organic bill is sent to the Constitutional Court, no pressure can be directed at the regime. That is the NLA’s call.
So the regime has distanced itself from the issue. The charter empowers the cabinet and the NLA to seek a judicial review. The regime is sticking to the roadmap.
The prime minister and the head of the regime are the same person. We can tell the international community these are separate entities. But is that a credible claim?
Can you discuss the progress of your case? [Prof Worachet has been accused of defying an order to report to the coupmakers]
Witnesses for the defence are scheduled to be cross-examined next month. It may take another year.