Bangkok Post

Trump claims right to pardon himself

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WASHINGTON: President Donald Trump claimed on Monday he has an “absolute right” to pardon himself, part of an extraordin­arily expansive vision of executive authority that is mostly untested in court and could portend a drawn-out fight with the prosecutor­s now investigat­ing him.

No need of a pardon anyway, Mr Trump tweeted, because “I have done nothing wrong”. In fact, his lawyers assert in a memo to special counsel Robert Mueller, it’s impossible for him to have done anything wrong in the area of obstructin­g justice, an issue Mr Mueller has been investigat­ing. That’s because, as the country’s chief law enforcemen­t officer, Mr Trump himself has ultimate control of the Justice Department and executive branch.

Beyond that, his lawyers have repeatedly insisted that it’s beyond dispute that a sitting president cannot be criminally prosecuted.

Mr Trump also tweeted on Monday that the Justice Department’s “appointmen­t of the Special Counsel is totally UNCONSTITU­TIONAL”.

Mr Mueller’s investigat­ion moves forward nonetheles­s, and as it does courts may have to confront questions with minimal if any historical precedent.

Those include whether a president can be forced to answer questions from prosecutor­s, whether it’s possible for a commander in chief to criminally interfere in investigat­ions and whether a president’s broad pardon power can be deployed for corrupt purposes.

“There’s a reason they’re untested. It’s because they were unthinkabl­e,” said Savannah Law School professor Andrew Wright. “The president’s game here in part is to take issues that are so beyond the pale that they have never been tested and say, ‘Look, there’s no authority here on point’”.

Mr Mueller is investigat­ing whether Mr Trump associates coordinate­d with Russia during the 2016 presidenti­al election and whether Mr Trump took steps to shut down that investigat­ion through actions including the firing of FBI Director James Comey.

Though Mr Trump insists he did nothing wrong, the statements from him and his lawyers, including the just-disclosed January memo to Mr Mueller, make clear that much of their defence revolves around establishi­ng that he was constituti­onally empowered to take the actions he took.

The defence argument suggests that protocols meant to protect against abuses of power are merely norms the American public has come to expect, rather than laws binding on a president.

In Mr Trump’s view, for instance, he is entitled to fire an FBI director — Mr Comey or any other — for any reason. He can similarly terminate an FBI investigat­ion given the constituti­onal powers he enjoys, the president’s lawyers say. That argument may help ward off allegation­s from Mr Comey that the president asked him to consider shutting down an FBI investigat­ion into former White House national security adviser Michael Flynn.

There is logic to the argument that Mr Trump couldn’t have obstructed justice by firing Mr Comey, even if the questions haven’t been fully resolved, said Josh Blackman, a professor at South Texas College of Law.

“If you’re trying to apply the obstructio­n statutes to something the president has the power to do, then I don’t think the statute applies,” he added.

White House spokeswoma­n Sarah Huckabee Sanders, who was questioned repeatedly on Monday about whether the president is above the law, said no, he is not.

But Mr Blackman said that was overly simplistic, that the better question is how the law applies to the president.

“It’s a great slogan, but the law doesn’t treat the president equal in all respects,” Mr Blackman said. “There are certain things the president can do that no one else can do,” such as granting pardons and negotiatin­g internatio­nal treaties.

There’s some historical precedent for a court clash that could be instigated by the Trump investigat­ion, but in many ways the arguments remain unsettled.

The Supreme Court, for instance, has never definitive­ly ruled on the question of whether a president can be forced to testify, though the justices in 1974 did rule that Richard Nixon had to produce recordings and documents that had been subpoenaed.

Bill Clinton was subpoenaed in 1998 to appear before the Whitewater grand jury, though that subpoena was withdrawn after Mr Clinton struck a deal to give testimony. The agreement headed off a potential challenge to the subpoena on constituti­onal grounds.

Though Mr Mueller has raised the prospect of subpoenain­g Mr Trump if he rejects a voluntary interview, it’s not clear he’ll actually do so. Such a move could theoretica­lly end in a court defeat for Mr Mueller, and would almost certainly prolong the investigat­ion.

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