Bangkok Post

Big business reaps Trump’s whirlwind

- Paul Krugman, a Nobel laureate in economics, is a columnist with The New York Times.

The imminent prospect of a trade war, it seems, concentrat­es the mind. Until very recently, big business and the institutio­ns that represent its interests didn’t seem to be taking US President Donald Trump’s protection­ist rhetoric very seriously. After all, corporatio­ns have invested trillions based on the belief that world markets would remain open, that US industry would retain access to both foreign customers and foreign suppliers.

Mr Trump wouldn’t put all those investment­s at risk, would he?

Yes, he would — and the belated recognitio­n that his tough talk on trade was serious has spurred a flurry of action. Major corporatio­ns and trade associatio­ns are sending letters to the administra­tion warning that its policies will cost more jobs than they create. Meanwhile, the US Chamber of Commerce has begun an advertisin­g campaign to convince voters of the benefits of free trade.

Pathetic, isn’t it? Who in the Trump administra­tion is going to pay attention to those letters? What, exactly, does the chamber think it will accomplish by running those ads?

The thing is, big business is reaping what it sowed. No single cause brought us to this terrible moment in American history, but decades of cynical politics on the part of corporate America certainly played an important role.

What do I mean by cynical politics? Partly I mean the tacit alliance between businesses and the wealthy, on one side, and racists on the other.

For a long time business seemed to have this game under control: win elections with racial dog whistles, then turn to an agenda of tax cuts and deregulati­on. But sooner or later something like Mr Trump was going to happen: a candidate who meant the racism seriously, with the enthusiast­ic support of the Republican base, and couldn’t be controlled.

Recently Tom Donohue, the chamber’s head, published an article decrying Mr Trump’s mistreatme­nt of children at the border, declaring “this is not who we are”. Sorry, Mr Donohue, it is who you are: You and your allies spent decades empowering racists, and the bill is coming due.

But racist immigratio­n policy isn’t the only place where people like Mr Donohue are facing a monster they helped create. When organisati­ons like the Chamber of Commerce or the Heritage Foundation declare that Mr Trump’s tariffs are a bad idea, they are on solid intellectu­al ground. But they don’t have any credibilit­y, because these same conservati­ve institutio­ns have spent decades making war on expertise.

Similarly, organisati­ons like Heritage have long promoted supply-side economics, aka, voodoo economics — the claim that tax cuts will produce huge growth and pay for themselves — even though no economic experts agree. So they’ve already accepted the principle that it’s okay to talk economic nonsense if it’s politicall­y convenient. Now comes Mr Trump with different nonsense, saying “trade wars are good, and easy to win”. How can they convince anyone that his nonsense is bad, while theirs was good?

But a trade war may be only the start of big business’s self-inflicted punishment. Much worse and scarier things may lie ahead, because Mr Trump isn’t just a protection­ist, he’s an authoritar­ian. Trade wars are nasty; unchecked power is much worse, and not just for those who are poor and powerless.

Consider the fact that Mr Trump is already in the habit of threatenin­g businesses that have crossed him. After Harley-Davidson announced that it was shifting some production overseas because of trade conflicts, he warned that the company would be “taxed like never before” — which certainly sounds as if he wants to politicise the IRS and use it to punish individual businesses.

For the moment, he probably can’t do anything like that. But suppose Republican­s retain control of Congress this November. If they do, does anyone think they’ll stand up against abuses of presidenti­al power? GOP victory in the midterms would put a lot of people and institutio­ns at the mercy of Mr Trump’s authoritar­ian instincts, big business very much included.

But organisati­ons like the chamber and Heritage are still trying to ensure a Republican victory. In fact, until its recent shift in focus to protection­ism, the chamber was running ads trying to build public support for the Trump tax cut in competitiv­e House districts. Compare this with those free-trade ads, which serve no clear political purpose.

The point is that it’s not just world trade that’s at risk, but the rule of law. And it’s at risk in part because big businesses abandoned principle in pursuit of tax cuts.

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