Pay heed to the political rumour mill

In Thai politics, rumours often prove to be true over time. The latest example took place on Saturday when four cabinet ministers of the Prayut Chan-o-cha government were officially chosen as leader and executives of the Palang Pracharath Party (PPP). Before that, rumour had it that the party was set to be a vehicle to bring Gen Prayut back as prime minister after a general election tentatively planned for Feb 24.

The four ministers are Industry Minister Uttama Savanayana who was voted as the leader at the party’s general assembly, Science and Technology Minister Suvit Maesincee as deputy leader, Commerce Minister Sontirat Sontijirawong as secretarygeneral and Prime Minister’s Office Minister Kobsak Pootrakool as spokesman and party executive.

Previously when asked by the media about their connections with the newly established party, they distanced themselves from it, despite persistent rumours about their involvement. There are at least three more rumours that I have I heard about the connections between the PPP and the Prayut government.

The first rumour is that Gen Prayut will be put forward as a prime ministerial candidate on a party list ahead of the poll, even though the PM has not yet unveiled his political future. If he wants to contest the premiership, there are two options afforded to him by the constitution. He can be nominated as either an outright prime ministerial candidate on a party list or as an “outsider prime minister”. The latter can take place if parliament fails to choose a prime minister from the lists submitted by parties.

The second rumour is about Deputy Prime Minister Somkid Jatusripitak, aka our economic tsar, who is said to be behind the PPP and its strategic approach to help Gen Prayut to regain the premiership. Mr Somkid has distanced himself from the party as well.

The third item of hearsay is about the Sam Mitr (Three Allies) political group, led by Suriya Jungrungreangkij and Somsak Thepsuthin. Rumour has it that the group is the political arm of the ruling regime and was set up to poach veteran politicians from other parties for the PPP. Mr Somkid is also speculated to be one of the “Three Amigos” but has denied the rumour.

For now, these are all just educated guesses by those in the know. But in Thai politics, rumours are often more reliable than the words of politicians or would-be politicians.

Apart from the four ministers, other cabinet members and Government House officials were also named as PPP executives. They are four deputy ministers — two from the Industry Ministry, one from Finance and another from Tourism and Sports — two advisers to the commerce minister, and a deputy secretary-general of the prime minister.

Their executive roles in the PPP have sparked criticism over an unfair advantage the party will have over its rivals. Many politicians from other camps have called for the four ministers to resign from their cabinet posts. I agree with them but resignations themselves are not enough.

Mr Somkid may have insisted on Monday that there is no need for the four ministers to quit because they are still subject to scrutiny and there are no laws forcing them to step down, but it is clear that the PPP is closely tied to the government, even though the connection is not official.

Although the PPP may not have formally endorsed Gen Prayut as its prime ministerial candidate, the four ministers’ executive roles in it have raised questions about conflicts of interest and good governance.

For the rest of the year, the government has pledged to inject huge amounts of cash into the economy, particularly among grassroot communities. Since the middle of this year, it has disbursed large sums nationwide to finance its Thai Niyom Yangyuen scheme.

Under the scheme, each village is granted 200,000 baht in funds. Other financial packages to support the poor are also in the pipeline.

On Oct 1, the 3-trillion-baht 2019 fiscal budget came into effect. The government is running the new budget on a deficit of 450 billion baht which is mainly due to its economic stimulus packages. Finance Minister Apisak Tantivorawong said the government will accelerate budget disbursement in the last three months of this year to spur the economy.

The government is backing its ministers’ expanded role in the PPP to contest the upcoming election, but their involvement in the distribution of state funds to finance populist projects looks to be verging on a conflict of interest.

If we were living in a democracy, the current government would take on a caretaker role once an election date was set, and thus would be barred from doing what it is doing.

Under the constitution, a caretaker government is prohibited from implementing policies that will be binding on the next cabinet, appointing or transferring government officials, giving approval for expenditure of funds which will have major implications, and utilising state resources in a way which may have an effect on an election.

The spirit of the law is to prevent conflicts of interest since a caretaker government usually represents a political faction contesting the poll too.

The Prayut administration should have become a caretaker government by now.

Unfortunately, the constitution allows the current government to stay in office until there is a new elected government in place. So the Prayut administration is getting away with these moves via a legal technicality. But it is still rightly facing questions over the need for good governance and following the spirit rather than just the letter of the charter.

The government and the military regime should pave the way for a new dawn in Thai politics by acting ethically and in the interests of a brighter, democratic future.

Soonruth Bunyamanee is the editor, Bangkok Post.