PPRP doesn’t play fair
If there was a ranking of the most scandalous political parties to contest a general election next year, pro-military regime Palang Pracharath would top the list. And it has no one to blame but the military regime whose four cabinet members are its executives. Since the party’s formation early this year, the National Council for Peace and Order (NCPO) has done everything it can to help the party gain advantage over its rivals. In the past week, the regime has come up with what seems to be a two-pronged strategy — electoral manipulation and premature vote canvassing. And a direct beneficiary of such an approach seems not to be just any party but the newlyestablished PPRP.
Industry Minister Uttama Savanayana acts as PPRP leader, while Science and Technology Minister Suvit Maesincee is the party deputy leader. Commerce Minister Sontirat Sontijirawong takes the role of secretary-general and PM’s Office Minister Kobsak Pootrakool, the party’s spokesman. The four refused to resign from cabinet, as demanded by critics who raised concerns about vested interests. Instead, they claimed they had to clear the assignment. Such claims are unconvincing.
Last Friday, the NCPO tampered with the authority of the Election Commission (EC) by issuing an order allowing the agency to make changes to constituency boundaries. In fact, the EC was reportedly finished with that job. Its intervention is seen as gerrymandering for the regime’s political gains.
Even though EC president Ittiporn Boonpracong has dismissed concerns the regime might ask the agency to further revise the constituency boundaries, few would believe the EC is independent enough from the NCPO. All the commissioners have been handpicked by the coup-installed National Legislative Assembly (NLA), which has over the past years acted more or less like a rubber stamp for the Prayut government.
For a regime that ousted an elected government and pledged to reconcile political divides, the allegations of gerrymandering have polarised Thai politics into a new frontier, pitting most parties against a few pro-regime ones.
It remains to be seen who will benefit from the new 350 election boundaries once the EC makes an announcement next month. There is wide speculation that PPRP stands as the most likely party to gain the favour.
On Tuesday, the government approved the 86.9-billionbaht splurge on low-income earners, the elderly and retirees.
Critics have lashed out against the massive handout, calling it populism — something the regime had criticised politicians for doing and had pledged to stamp out. The regime’s generosity sounds like foul play given the election will take place in a matter of weeks.
Some noted that the cash handout packages would give the pro-regime political camp an advantage over other political parties in the coming general election.
All of these have been done while the regime tied the hands of other parties, allowing little room to breath. The NCPO has maintained its ban on political parties since 2014 and only allowed them limited freedom to handle administrative arrangements and recruit party members. Not to mention, there are reports about politicians changing camps to be with the PPRP.
While the EC has also pledged to investigate alleged irregularities, the agency indeed has little credit as an independent body.
It is barely a secret that Prime Minister Prayut Chan-ocha will likely maintain political power in the post-coup era, having been nominated by the PPRP as one of its prime ministerial candidates.
When formal campaigning starts next month, the PPRP will without a doubt be many steps ahead of others. Whatever it gains from the election, the party cannot evade the scandal that it has been part of the incumbent government to rig the rule for unfair political advantage.
During the party’s first general assembly in late September, the PPRP members pledged it won’t cheat. But for many, its actions speak louder than words.