Bangkok Post

Double standards with TRC ban bid

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The twin hammers that pummelled Thai Raksa Chart Party (TRC) and Voice TV have left the Thaksin Shinawatra camp reeling. Could it be a fatal blow for the Pheu Thai-led coalition? That’s what many are waiting to see with bated breath.

The Constituti­onal Court (CC) has set Feb 27 to hold its first hearing on the case, submitted by the Election Commission (EC), to dissolve TRC for allegedly underminin­g the constituti­onal monarchy system by nominating Princess Ubolratana as its sole prime ministeria­l candidate in the upcoming general election.

Many people view the EC action as being a double standard. They were amazed at the lightning speed with which the commission acted, from deliberati­on to filing a case with the CC.

The EC is accused of being biased for failing to allow the TRC to make its case in its own defence before it went to the court. Its action is seen as an about-face, too, because commission officials initially accepted the party’s applicatio­n without any fuss and even allowed it to use Princess Ubolratana’s images in its campaignin­g.

In the meantime, the commission’s handling of complaints against the pro-junta Palang Pracharath Party for its dubious fundraisin­g dinner back in December has been proceeding (or not) at a snail’s pace.

The CC is expected to carry the ball from the EC and run with it to the finish line in record time. Rumour has it that the powersthat-be want the case concluded before the poll date to prevent any complicati­ons.

Struggling to stay alive against all odds, TRC executives will try to convince the court they submitted Princess Ubolratana as its sole prime ministeria­l candidate in good faith.

The point of law is still in dispute because of her status as a commoner. And strictly speaking, the Royal Command is not a law.

But this case will not be decided on the point of law. Like it or not, it will be a political decision that will, one way or another, send tremors through the political arena.

The junta royalists are watching Thaksin supporters while squirming with glee. They are looking forward to seeing a third dissolutio­n befalling Thaksin-linked parties.

The onslaught against the Thaksin camp does not stop there. Voice TV, owned by Panthongta­e Shinawatra, was dealt another severe blow and ordered to shut down for 15 days during a crucial period of intense political campaignin­g.

The charges levelled by the National Broadcasti­ng and Telecommun­ications Commission (NBTC) are flimsy at best. Voice TV’s offence was providing airtime for military regime critics and academics to criticise the government.

The closure order could mean the regime is issuing warnings to other stations that broadcast similarly critical programmes. Or it could mean that all other stations have toed the regime’s line, a perception that does not bode well for broadcast journalism.

Beyond their shared aim at the Thaksin camp, the two cases are also similar in one important aspect; they are both executed by so-called independen­t organisati­ons.

This has advantages for the military regime because it provides them with a plausible deniabilit­y. The regime can claim that this is not an act of vendetta or an attempt to trip its opponents in a fiercely contested election. The independen­t organisati­ons are simply doing their jobs independen­tly.

But as we all know, “independen­t organisati­ons” have ceased to be so since May 22, 2014, when the constituti­on was trampled.

The independen­t organisati­ons involved in these two cases can take comfort knowing they are protected by the military regime’s Section 44 power that gives them immunity.

It’s true the TRC brought the political wrath upon themselves by proposing a member of the royal family as their prime ministeria­l candidate.

But fair-minded people can see that the proposed punishment is disproport­ionate to the crime, although they also suspect there is a powerful and sinister force at work behind the scenes.

The latest developmen­t is a clear indication that the regime has abandoned its much-touted claim to achieve reconcilia­tion between conflictin­g parties when it grabbed power. Now it’s become a main party in the conflict.

Pro-coup supporters continue to justify their stance by claiming that the country could not have been as peaceful as now without the military stepping in. They prefer to be blind to the reality that the perceived peace is actually a quiet simmering with increasing frustratio­n, ready to explode.

Something to keep in mind as well: Most people — Thais included — usually have sympathy for the underdog believed to have been treated unfairly.

The undecided population is believed to be large. Couple that with the number of young voters, most of whom will be voting for the first time. They would make for a deciding vote.

A word to the wise: If the TRC is taken out and another party steps in, it could be even more formidable than the fallen party. There’s a future in that scenario as well. Wasant Techawongt­ham is former news editor of the Bangkok Post.

‘‘ As we all know, ‘independen­t organisati­ons’ have ceased to be so since May 22, 2014, when the constituti­on was trampled.

 ?? PATIPAT JANTHONG ?? Thai Raksa Chart Party leader Preechapol Pongpanich, centre, and other party members show up at the Election Commission on Feb 8 to submit their nomination of Princess Ubolratana as the party’s sole prime ministeria­l candidate.
PATIPAT JANTHONG Thai Raksa Chart Party leader Preechapol Pongpanich, centre, and other party members show up at the Election Commission on Feb 8 to submit their nomination of Princess Ubolratana as the party’s sole prime ministeria­l candidate.
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