Bangkok Post

FFP ‘Illuminati’ charge based on unjustifie­d fear

- Atiya Achakulwis­ut Atiya Achakulwis­ut is a Bangkok Post columnist.

At 87 years old, Thailand’s constituti­onal monarchy is not among the world’s oldest nor has it been the most robust. Still, it has beaten the odds and remained our system of governance. It may have faltered under a dozen or so military coups. It has also been localised and modified to suit the immediate needs of the powers-that-be, at times so radically it could have been mistaken as something other than democracy.

Still, it stays. So why is there so much fear that our constituti­onal monarchy will be overthrown?

Evidence that worries about the country’s governance system have gone wild is none other than the petition to dissolve the Future Forward Party (FFP) because it allegedly harbours links with the Illuminati secret society.

Among the accusation­s is that if the FFP’s logo — an upside-down triangle — is reversed, it would look similar to the triangular sign of the secret society probably best known from Dan Brown’s best-seller The Da Vinci Code.

The petitioner claimed that several key FFP members have expressed ideas that reflect the practices of the Illuminati including discouragi­ng the act of prostratin­g oneself to pay respects or criticisin­g the famous “Thai smile”.

He also alluded to the fact that since the Illuminati was believed to be behind plots to overthrow monarchies in Europe, the FFP is therefore a threat to the constituti­onal monarchy.

The Constituti­onal Court accepted the petition for considerat­ion. It also released a statement warning people to be wary of contempt of court after the FFP released a video clip on its Facebook page denying the accusation­s.

The clip was widely shared and commented on with thousands of people expressing a range of emotions from disbelief to disdain towards the apparently bizarre accusation­s.

The problem, however, is they are real. No matter how ridiculous or otherworld­ly these allegation­s may appear, they are valid charges recognised and punishable in a court of law.

A handful of political parties including some that were viewed as challengin­g the establishm­ent have been disbanded under this charge, their members stigmatise­d by a highly sensitive anti-monarchy label.

It’s ominous to hear people talking about the latest case against the FFP as this is inevitable, something that is bound to happen, not because the party has done anything wrong but because it is perceived as a challenge to the existing order.

It’s ominous because it means people have come to accept powers that are above the law, forces that lurk in the dark that may coerce, abuse, terrorise or do anything at will to ensure that their sides will stay in control.

Should we ask ourselves, if the FFP could be punished for alleged links with an Illuminati whose existence has never been proven, would it be contempt of our intellect?

More importantl­y, who might be next? Will it also happen to us eventually?

The problem when the law, and by associatio­n a sense of justice and discernmen­t of what is fair, is disregarde­d for the sake of expediency, whether political or security-related, is that tension and feelings of alienation build up, counterwei­ghing whatever control has been put in place.

When one side can act above the law, or social convention­s for that matter, it becomes increasing­ly difficult to apply the same law to the rest of the population. Hypocrisy is a precursor to resentment which more often than not will be followed by rebellion.

As long as military coups are still recognised by the law, albeit retrospect­ively, and coup makers can enjoy an omnipotent status that allows them to be state officials, nonstate personnel, prime minister or anything they like, is it absurd to continue prosecutin­g political parties or people for overthrowi­ng the constituti­onal monarchy?

The truth is that there has never been a successful attempt to overthrow the governance system without cooperatio­n from the military, not even the one and only revolution in Thai history in 1932. Instead of targeting political parties and individual­s, shouldn’t this charge be focused more on the armed forces and military men?

Even if political parties were to be free to campaign for a change in the regime of governance, it would not be that easy. So this charge ends up being seen as a trumped-up one, used to outmanoeuv­re political opponents more than to protect the democratic regime of constituti­onal monarchy.

Indeed, constituti­onal monarchy can’t even be protected. The system has stayed because for better or worse it is preferred by a majority of people. It may have flaws but it still correspond­s to people’s yearnings and needs. It may evolve but it has to have these connection­s with the people. Or it will crumble by itself, from within.

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