Bangkok Post

Law, legitimacy and human rights in cyberspace

- Vitit Muntarbhor­n is a Professor Emeritus at the Faculty of Law, Chulalongk­orn University. He was formerly UN Special Rapporteur, UN Independen­t Expert and member of UN Commission­s of Inquiry on Human Rights. This is derived from his recent keynote addres

Challenges facing human rights in our brave new cyberworld invite reflection on how the law can be of assistance. Yet, the law also needs to respond to social values of what is acceptable and legitimate — especially from the angle of democracy, sustainabl­e developmen­t and aspiration­s of peace.

The first challenge is the spread of technology and digital platforms, which has both positive and negative effects. On the one hand, this phenomenon enables us to access services, informatio­n and data more easily and is interrelat­ed with automation. Mass online courses will disrupt the education system, making parts of the current set-up redundant. Yet, abuses are also rampant. Algorithms are part of systemic data collection, often unbeknowns­t to the user, which may have a detrimenta­l short- and long-term impact on people’s privacy, especially via digital profiling that leads to discrimina­tion.

Such fears have sparked calls for regulation of digital platforms to mitigate the negative effects, including the use of “notice and take down” contracts that enable deletion of personal informatio­n from the internet as part of the right to be forgotten, as well as technologi­cal solutions such as filters and alternativ­e encryption. There is also no substitute for a discerning public — who should be educated about the pros and cons of digitisati­on.

In a world where digitisati­on is become even more pervasive with the all-embracing “internet of things”, laws based on legitimacy help us to balance freedom of expression, the imparting and collection of informatio­n, and the right to privacy — particular­ly to safeguard personal data and ensure that what is made public through digitisati­on is based upon acceptable reasoning. There is a strong case for regulation that ensures personal data is kept private, and made public only if there are legitimate justificat­ions, such as for demographi­c analysis to improve public services.

Secondly, robotisati­on poses an innovation challenge. The era of artificial intelligen­ce and robots is already here. On the one hand, robotisati­on facilitate­s work and livelihood­s by reducing human workloads and handling huge repetitive tasks without errors. It may also offer a helping hand in the era of our ageing population. Yet, it is also part of a change to patterns of work which can be both life-altering and disruptive. The negative side is already evident in the use of drones in warfare and the ominous threat of killer robots.

While clear rules governing the relationsh­ip between humans and robots are yet to be developed, ultimately the “humans in command” approach must prevail and should guide evolution of laws on this front.

The third key challenge is securitisa­tion. We refer in particular to the issue of national security. It is understand­able that states must take certain actions to prevent and address threats, which may vary from terrorism to natural disasters and armed conflicts.

Yet, national security is all too often invoked by non-democracie­s to justify their rule. A particular­ly insidious practice is the integratio­n of digitisati­on, robotisati­on and securitisa­tion by undemocrat­ic elements for the purpose of social control. Here, surveillan­ce and political-socialethn­ic profiling can lead to violations and violence against political dissidents and minorities mistrusted by the state machinery.

In this respect, a state’s claim that it must adopt a cyberlaw, computer crimes law, etc, to regulate various practices — thereby impacting on privacy and other basic human rights — is not legitimate in the eyes of the internatio­nal community unless those laws comply with the internatio­nal framework pertaining to such issues, particular­ly as evolved by the UN. It is thus important to underscore that national security is an exception rather than the rule.

Fourthly, the priority now accorded to the environmen­t — environmen­talisation — is linked with the issue of sustainabi­lity, now clearly enunciated by the global Sustainabl­e Developmen­t Goals (SDGs) 2015-2030 which have enjoyed universal “buy-in” by states, at least in principle.

Laws and their legitimacy have to be tested against the backdrop of these SDGs, which are part of a global policy framework (soft law) complement­ed by more binding instrument­s (hard law) such as the UN Framework Agreement on Climate Change, the more recent Paris Accord, and human rights treaties. In practical terms, developmen­t and environmen­t-related activities such as the constructi­on of dams have prompted calls for stricter safeguards to protect the environmen­t. For instance, the claim that there is an identifiab­le national law allowing constructi­on of a dam, and that there is a need to build the dam, is not legitimate unless there has been a genuine environmen­tal and human rights impact assessment beforehand, with mitigation measures that meet internatio­nal standards as per environmen­tal treaties and related instrument­s. This obvious links with the need to address the plight of people displaced by developmen­t.

Finally, there is the perspectiv­e of inclusione­xclusion. The preferred approach for human interactio­n is, of course, “inclusion”. This has been consecrate­d more recently by the SDGs, which underline the notion of inclusiven­ess being at the heart of human rights premised on non-discrimina­tion. It pertains to all groups at risk of exclusion, alienation or marginalis­ation. It is interlinke­d with the call to eradicate poverty, to overcome discrimina­tion and violence, and to respect the diversity of groups, such as minorities, under the protection of internatio­nal law, bearing in mind the call for gender sensibilit­y and equity.

Yet, there is a disquietin­g interface with certain national policies that now demonise nonnationa­ls and minorities as part of a populist nationalis­m steeped in the “scapegoat syndrome”. This embeds xenophobia and related intoleranc­e in the national mindset. And it should be recognised that such repression can give rise to frustratio­n and alienation — which might ultimately lead to extreme violence perpetrate­d by those denied space for public participat­ion and a cathartic process of shared developmen­t. Laws based on legitimacy help us to stem this tide by measuring national actions against internatio­nal standards, whether these standards take the form of soft laws such as the SDGs or hard laws such as human rights treaties and internatio­nal calls for accountabi­lity for crimes such as genocide and other atrocities, together with global-local action to overcome impunity.

The law needs to respond to social values of what is acceptable.

 ?? REUTERS ?? The hands of the robot Sophia are pictured during a presentati­on on AI at the Web Summit, in Lisbon, Portugal on Wednesday.
REUTERS The hands of the robot Sophia are pictured during a presentati­on on AI at the Web Summit, in Lisbon, Portugal on Wednesday.

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