Bangkok Post

Mekong River region on more minds

- Thitinan Pongsudhir­ak Thitinan Pongsudhir­ak, PhD, teaches at the Faculty of Political Science and directs the Institute of Security and Internatio­nal Studies at Chulalongk­orn University.

As Vietnam is poised to take over the rotational chair of Asean in January 2020, its second foremost foreign policy priority after the South China Sea is reportedly the Mekong River region. While the South China Sea, where more than one third of global shipping passes, is considered an overall Asean concern, the Mekong region is left to the five riparian countries in mainland Southeast Asia to deal with in view of China’s upstream hydropower dams that have led to frequent droughts and depleted fish stocks in downstream communitie­s, especially in Cambodia and Vietnam.

If Vietnam as Asean chair has its way, the Mekong may soon become an Asean matter, so providing the five riparian countries more leverage in grappling with China’s unilateral hogging of water in the upper reaches of the river. In turn, if Asean can rally together behind both the South China Sea and the Mekong River, the 10-member regional organisati­on would have more bargaining power vis-à-vis China, especially if it can enlist other major players such as Japan and the United States to be involved.

Given ongoing global power shifts and fluid regional dynamics in Asia, mainland Southeast Asia bordering and in proximity to the Mekong region — what might be called the “Mekong mainland” — has emerged as a distinct space of promising economic developmen­t, resource-sharing, and capacitybu­ilding that demands greater cooperatio­n among all stakeholde­rs. Despite its immense water resources and the necessity of cooperativ­e resource-sharing among riparian states, the Mekong mainland has had a loose and non-binding regional governance framework, revolving around the Greater Mekong Subregion (GMS) from the early 1990s.

This “first-generation” of Mekong regional cooperatio­n spawned a clutch of cooperativ­e agreements, featuring the Mekong Agreement (MA) and the Mekong River Commission (MRC) as well as the Mekong Institute (MI). Their overall and collective aims were to harness and facilitate the sustainabl­e growth and developmen­t of the Mekong mainland countries, comprising Cambodia, China, Laos, Myanmar, Thailand, and Vietnam, although China and Myanmar took on observer status at the MRC.

Almost three decades later, as mainland Southeast Asia’s economies expanded briskly on the back of broader trade, investment and growth dynamics in Asean, the Mekong space has become more attractive. In the GMS context that includes southern provinces of Yunnan and Guangxi, this region now offers a combined market of more than 350 million and an overall GDP of more than $1.2 trillion, with considerab­le upside potential. The GMS infrastruc­ture connectivi­ty has led to northsouth and east-west roads and highways that traverse the entire mainland Southeast Asia, stretching from Kunming in Yunnan province to southern Thailand and from Myanmar’s southeast to central Vietnam. What has been missing in the regional infrastruc­ture developmen­t is rail. The downside of regional developmen­t in the Mekong region is the uneven water resource utilisatio­n between upstream and downstream riparian states.

While the first-generation cooperativ­e vehicles from the GMS and MA to the MRC have been of great service in the recent past, recent economic developmen­t and geopolitic­al shifts have challenged the role, utility and efficacy of these establishe­d schemes. Clearly, there is a greater need for regional cooperatio­n to keep pace with increased resource utilisatio­n in the Mekong region.

In particular, China’s rapid economic developmen­t has engendered new ways and new mechanisms for promoting regional cooperatio­n. Chief among them is the Lancang-Mekong Cooperatio­n (LMC), establishe­d in 2015. Over the past several years, the LMC has held two Leaders’ Meetings in 2016 and 2018. The LMC has been offered and forwarded as the first and foremost “second generation” cooperativ­e vehicle for the Mekong mainland.

More recently, Thailand has revived its Ayeyawady-Chao Phraya-Mekong Economic Cooperatio­n Strategy (ACMECS), first launched in 2003, consisting of all mainland Southeast Asia countries without China. ACMECS is gaining more attention because it offers an alternativ­e to China’s LMC.

On the other hand, China’s LMC is bolstered by the country’s Belt and Road Initiative, which envisages the China-Indo-China Peninsula Economic Corridor (CICPEC). Its Mekong mainland rail developmen­t is well underway in Laos, connecting Kunming to Vientiane on the banks of the Mekong. A rail connection from Vientiane through Thailand southwards to Malaysia and Singapore is in the BRI infrastruc­ture blueprint. As a result, the Mekong mainland region has become a jigsaw for shared resource utilisatio­n and infrastruc­ture developmen­t. What should be the rules and norms and governance frameworks to realise the next stage of regional cooperatio­n among stakeholde­rs has been contentiou­s. And so has the compatibil­ity between cooperativ­e frameworks such as the MRC and LMC.

For its part as Asean chair, Vietnam has chosen the theme of “cohesive and responsive Asean.” Underpinni­ng this theme are five priorities of contributi­ng to regional peace and stability, promoting regional connectivi­ty and the sense of Asean identity and community, fostering external partnershi­ps for peace and sustainabl­e developmen­t, and capacity building for adaptabili­ty. In addition, Vietnam will also become a non-permanent member of the United Nations Security Council in 2020, a crucial year for such an up-and-coming country, which will also mark its 25th anniversar­y as an Asean member state.

Vietnam will benefit from Thailand’s chair this year and its major achievemen­t in coming up with the Asean Outlook on the IndoPacifi­c, a five-page document that addresses and navigates between the US-led Free and Open Indo-Pacific and China’s BRI. With the AOIP as the basis going forward in relations with the two competing superpower­s, Vietnam can focus on more immediate priorities. If Vietnam can elevate Mekong issues in addition to the South China Sea in view of China’s undue leverage from upstream dams, it will be a major accomplish­ment not just for Vietnam but for the entire Mekong mainland region south of China.

The Mekong mainland region has become a jigsaw for shared resource utilisatio­n and infrastruc­ture.

 ?? REUTERS ?? A man feeds shrimps at a farm in Vietnam’s Mekong Delta province of Ben Tre.
REUTERS A man feeds shrimps at a farm in Vietnam’s Mekong Delta province of Ben Tre.
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