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WARREN’S CAMPAIGN SWITCH AS SHE BATTLES POLL SLUMP

Once big on expounding detailed ‘plans’, she now focuses on attacking Trump.

- By Shane Goldmacher

The last time Sen Elizabeth Warren trundled across Iowa in a specially decorated campaign vehicle, an RV headed to the Iowa State Fair in August, it was wrapped with a cheeky play on the slogan for her sweeping agenda: “Honk if you’re ready for big, structural change!”

Now, with days before the Iowa caucuses, her bus is plastered with a far more direct and urgent message as she looks to quell the scepticism that has slowed her momentum here in the crucial final stretch. “Courage over cynicism” it urges on one side; “Hope over fear” it says on the other.

Such is the reality of her political comedown from the swaggering heights of the summer and early autumn, when she was thought to be the standard-bearer of the Democratic Party’s left flank and the chief rival to former Vice President Joe Biden. These days, it is Sen Bernie Sanders who is the liberal topping some Iowa polls and the top rival to Mr Biden.

Ms Warren, along with Pete Buttigieg, the former mayor of South Bend, Indiana, is battling to depart Des Moines this week with a mandate as a serious contender, leaning on a political organisati­on she began building here earlier than her rivals.

She and her team have only a few days left to achieve, if not a win in Iowa, then a surprising­ly strong finish that gives her momentum heading into New Hampshire. The campaign has said it is in the race for the long haul, warning in a memo last week against “breathless media narratives” that take hold as voting begins.

The memo, written by Warren’s campaign manager, Roger Lau, touted a 1,000-strong staff spread across the country, including in the Super Tuesday states that vote in March. Still, the team now finds itself in the slightly surreal position of working flat out with no real sense of what 12 months of campaignin­g in Iowa will yield them.

In a late shift in strategy, the campaign has supplement­ed, if not supplanted, its policy-driven messaging of 2019 with explicit talk about Ms Warren’s identity as a female politician and her path to beating President Donald Trump. The “I Have a Plan for That” candidate still talks about her big agenda, but with a newfound emphasis on how she’ll win, too.

Last Sunday, as Ms Warren sipped a Michelob Ultra during a meeting with a small group of volunteers at Lucky’s, a sports bar in Cedar Rapids, one supporter asked her what message to deliver while knocking doors in the crucial closing days of the campaign. “This woman is our best chance to win,” Ms Warren responded, “And there’s a whole lot of reasons that that’s so.

“Look, there’s a lot of change we all want to make, but the No.1 thing is, we want to get rid of Donald Trump,” she added. “And I think that’s what holds some people back. They say, ‘Wait a minute, who’s going to have the best chance?’ So it’s not who I think is going to make the best president.

“We just have to say, ‘We know what’s right,’ and get in there and fight for it,” she added. “And that is how we win.”

The focus on beating Mr Trump, though, represents a sharp shift for a campaign that once prided itself on how little it talked about the presidenti­al administra­tion. While her rivals were directly appealing to voters about how they could defeat the president, Ms Warren largely avoided the topic, seeking to motivate voters around ideals rather than the vague concept of electabili­ty, which can be hard to define and often disadvanta­ges female candidates.

Mr Sanders, her fellow progressiv­e, even travelled the country on a “Bernie Beats Trump” tour and frequently discussed how his call for a “political revolution” would provide the ballot box antidote to Mr Trump.

Ms Warren’s rise in the polls provided her campaign allies with evidence that she didn’t need to address electabili­ty — she could embody it. No longer.

On Monday, Ms Warren began running two new television ads across Iowa that were built, at least in part, around her ability to appeal to voters in a general election. One featured her family members, including some Republican­s, testifying to her character. The other contrasted her middle-class upbringing with Mr Trump’s.

“He grew up in a mansion in New York City. She grew up here in Oklahoma,” the narrator says in the second ad. “He got millions from his dad’s real estate empire. Her dad ended up a janitor.”

Over the weekend, when a voter in Davenport asked Ms Warren whether a more moderate candidate would be better positioned to defeat Mr Trump, she acknowledg­ed that the focus now is more on getting to the White House than what she would achieve once in office. “We’ve got to win. That’s what this is all about, right?” she said. “You don’t get to do good things if you don’t win.”

A recent New York Times/Siena College poll of likely Iowa caucus-goers showed Ms Warren faced a challenge in making her electabili­ty case, even among her supporters. Only 51% of Iowa Democrats who said she was their top choice believed she was the candidate with the best chance of defeating Mr Trump. In contrast, 82% of Mr Biden’s backers and 79% of Mr Sanders’ supporters believed their candidate was the best candidate.

Complicati­ng matters further for Ms Warren is a Senate impeachmen­t trial that has forced her off the trail.

Since the October debate, when Ms Warren’s rivals attacked her policy vision, arguing she had not adequately explained her health care proposals and that “big, structural change” was too politicall­y risky, her campaign has yet to fully recover. And quietly, a campaign that has made few drastic changes over the course of a year has overhauled its message as caucusing and voting approaches.

It started late last year, when Ms Warren shortened her stump speech to include fewer policy details and leave time for more audience questions, and it continued in a speech on New Year’s Eve in Boston.

“Imagine an America where the lived experience of women is reflected in committee rooms and corner offices and yes, even that really nice ovalshaped office at 1600 Pennsylvan­ia Avenue,” she said.

Now Ms Warren has adopted a new closing to her stump speech, speaking of the need to “fight back” for big changes to society and framing her pitch in historical terms.

“Fighting back is patriotic,” she said in Muscatine last Saturday. “It’s true. We fought back against the king in order to build this country. We fought back against slavery in order to preserve this country. We fought back against a Great Depression in order to rebuild this country. We fought back against fascism in order to protect this country. We are at our best when we take on big problems and when we fight back.”

Ms Warren’s allies, surrogates and advisers have touted her as the Democratic “unity candidate”: liberal enough for the progressiv­e wing and reasonable enough for the moderate wing.

She got a boost over the weekend from the endorsemen­t of The Des Moines Register, and on Monday, allied groups such as the Working Families Party and the Progressiv­e Change Campaign Committee released a list of more than 3,000 progressiv­e activists backing Ms Warren.

Ms Warren is battling to depart Des Moines this week with a mandate as a serious contender.

 ??  ?? THAT SLIDING FEELING: Senator Elizabeth Warren arrives at an event in Cedar Rapids, Iowa, last weekend. Her campaign has supplement­ed its message with explicit talk about Ms Warren’s identity and path to victory.
THAT SLIDING FEELING: Senator Elizabeth Warren arrives at an event in Cedar Rapids, Iowa, last weekend. Her campaign has supplement­ed its message with explicit talk about Ms Warren’s identity and path to victory.

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