Bangkok Post

How the US could lose the new cold war

- Joseph Stiglitz Joseph E Stiglitz, a Nobel laureate in economics, is University Professor at Columbia University and a member of the Independen­t Commission for the Reform of Internatio­nal Corporate Taxation.

The United States appears to have entered a new cold war with both China and Russia. And US leaders’ portrayal of the confrontat­ion as one between democracy and authoritar­ianism fails the smell test, especially at a time when the same leaders are actively courting a systematic human-rights abuser like Saudi Arabia. Such hypocrisy suggests that it is at least partly global hegemony, not values, that is really at stake.

Of course, America does not want to be dethroned. But it is simply inevitable that China will outstrip the US economical­ly, regardless of what official indicator one uses. Not only is its population four times larger than America’s; its economy also has been growing three times faster for many years.

While China has not done anything to declare itself as a strategic threat to America, the writing is on the wall. In Washington, there is a bipartisan consensus that China could pose a strategic threat, and that the least the US should do to mitigate the risk is to stop helping the Chinese economy grow. According to this view, preemptive action is warranted, even if it means violating the World Trade Organizati­on rules that the US itself did so much to write and promote.

This front in the new cold war opened well before Russia invaded Ukraine. And senior US officials have since warned that the war must not divert attention from the real long-term threat: China. Given that Russia’s economy is around the same size as Spain’s, its “no limits” partnershi­p with China hardly seems to matter economical­ly (though its willingnes­s to engage in disruptive activities around the world could prove useful to its larger southern neighbour).

But a country at “war” needs a strategy, and the US cannot win a new great-power contest by itself; it needs friends. Its natural allies are Europe and the other developed democracie­s around the world. But former US president Donald Trump did everything he could to alienate those countries, and the Republican­s — still wholly beholden to him — have provided ample reason to question whether the US is a reliable partner. Moreover, the US also must win the hearts and minds of billions of people in the world’s developing countries and emerging markets — not just to have numbers on its side, but also to secure access to critical resources.

In seeking the world’s favour, the US will have to make up a lot of lost ground. Its long history of exploiting other countries does not help, and nor does its deeply embedded racism — a force that Mr Trump expertly and cynically channels. Most recently, US policymake­rs contribute­d to global “vaccine apartheid”, whereby rich countries got all the shots they needed while people in poorer countries were left to their fates.

The credibilit­y gap is even wider when it comes to climate change, which disproport­ionately affects those in the Global South who have the least ability to cope. While major emerging markets have become the leading sources of greenhouse-gas emissions today, US cumulative emissions are still the largest by far. Developed countries continue to add to them, and, worse, have not even delivered on their meagre promises to help poor countries manage the effects of the climate crisis that the rich world caused.

Europe and America excel at lecturing others on what is morally right and economical­ly sensible. But the message that usually comes through is “do what I say, not what I do.” Especially after the Trump years, America no longer holds any claim to the moral high ground, nor does it have the credibilit­y to dispense advice. Neoliberal­ism and trickle-down economics were never widely embraced in the Global South, and now they are going out of fashion everywhere.

At the same time, China has excelled not at delivering lectures but at furnishing poor countries with hard infrastruc­ture. Yes, these countries are often left deeply in debt; but, given Western banks’ own behaviour in the developing world, the US and others are hardly in a position to point the finger.

I could go on, but the point should be clear: If the US is going to embark on a new cold war, it had better understand what it will take to win.

We must offer concrete help to developing and emerging-market countries, starting with a waiver on all Covid-related intellectu­al property so that they can produce vaccines and treatments for themselves.

Equally important, the West must once again make our economic, social, and political systems the envy of the world. In the US, that starts with reducing gun violence, improving environmen­tal regulation­s, combating inequality and racism, and protecting women’s reproducti­ve rights. Until we have proven ourselves worthy to lead, we cannot expect others to march to our drum.

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