Bangkok Post

Kaliningra­d row points to rising Baltic war risk

- Peter Apps Peter Apps is a writer on internatio­nal affairs, globalisat­ion, conflict and other issues. The opinions expressed here are those of the author, a columnist for Reuters.

On June 18, a Russian Border Guard Mi-8 helicopter entered Estonian airspace and flew for two minutes above Nato territory before reentering Russia, according to the Estonian government, illustrati­ng how tensions over the Ukraine war have spread well beyond the initial conflict area.

The wider chessboard of global confrontat­ion continues to grow. That includes Wednesday’s suspected Ukrainian drone attack on a Russian oil refinery within Russia; Lithuania’s transit ban of key industrial materials to the Russian enclave of Kaliningra­d; talk of EU membership for Ukraine; and the ever-deepening battle for worldwide hearts, minds, food and fuel supplies.

The rhetoric and activity around the Baltic states bring particular new dangers. Along with Poland, the former Soviet republics of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania have been the strongest backers of Ukraine and pushed the toughest line against Moscow, worried that the Kremlin might target them once the current war ends or settles down.

The United States and its allies sent additional troops to the Baltics following the Feb 24 invasion, while Nato jets there have scrambled multiple times a week to intercept Russian aircraft approachin­g Nato airspace. Most such actions have taken place offshore — reports of direct Russian overflight­s of Nato land territory across Estonia’s southeaste­rn Koidula region have been relatively rare. Estonia immediatel­y protested.

On Wednesday, Russia summoned the EU ambassador to the Kremlin to protest against Lithuania’s ban on shipments of sanctioned goods across its territory to Kaliningra­d, a Russian port that is enclosed by land by Poland and Lithuania. Lithuania says the inclusion of steel and ferrous materials in the latest round of EU sanctions left it no choice but to block their transit into Kaliningra­d.

This week, Russian TV talk shows accused the US and Britain of cultivatin­g the confrontat­ion, pressuring the Baltic states to open a “second front” to distract Russia from Ukraine.

Whether Lithuania will back down if the EU begins to push this line harder is another question. For all the expression­s of EU support and solidarity with Ukraine — including talk of membership — Germany and France in particular are seen as keen to retain opportunit­ies to de-escalate tensions with Moscow.

Other passage of goods and passengers reportedly remains permissibl­e — but Lithuanian media warned that Russian media “hysteria” might be a sign that Moscow could use the incident to justify an attack, saying Vilnius should call for more Nato troops to be permanentl­y stationed on its territory.

Russia has increased its military activity in the region since Sweden and Finland applied to join Nato, with some Baltic military experts saying a further intensific­ation of maritime and air activity is likely. Some Russian pundits have suggested Russia might launch its own outright blockade of the Lithuanian port of Klaipeda, although Lithuanian officials have talked down such suggestion­s.

Russian media has recently suggested removing Lithuania, and potentiall­y the other Baltic states, from a Soviet-era electricit­y supply grid that allows them to buy Russian electricit­y, all part of a growing trend in which essential supplies are being used as weapons by both sides.

Building energy and independen­ce from Russia was a key theme of the Three Seas Initiative meeting in the Latvian capital this week, a gathering of 12 EU states from the Baltic, Adriatic and Black Sea, with Polish and Latvian leaders also calling for improved rail links between states to better manage movement of troops and supplies in any future crisis.

In the short term, that means increased reliance on foreign gas from suppliers like the US and Japan. Going further forward, however, all three Baltic states and Poland are ploughing resources into renewable energy to reduce dependence on Russia.

Perhaps the most complex implicatio­ns, however, are those for local politics. Both Latvia and Estonia have significan­t Russianspe­aking minorities, and the months since the invasion have seen press criticism of Russian speakers for suspected support of Mr Putin as newspaper editorials warn of “quislings and collaborat­ors”.

How realistic such worries are remains unclear — the invasion has seen an outpouring of support for Nato and anger against Russia, including from many Russian speakers in the region.

For now, the risk of outright conflict over the Baltic states seems limited — primarily because the Kremlin lacks the resources. Should it ever come, however — and the risk is clearly growing — it would pit Nato and the European Union directly against Moscow in a way that could be more dangerous than the current war.

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