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The prime minister says he wants to see out his term in office, but a certain political dynasty could have other ideas Observers believe the Alro and DNP row over Khao Yai land suggests all is not well among Palang Pracharath bigwigs
Srettha should beware
Prime Minister Srettha Thavisin has declared he intends to serve out his fouryear term in office. However, observers were quick to remind him that what happens in life isn’t always up to oneself.
The words of wisdom characterise the norm in Thai politics, where a party resembles a pool of factions controlled by various leaders, the extent of whose power correlates positively to the number of MPs they control.
Political experts agree some established political parties have lasted as long as they have on account of their skill in maintaining a balance of power between the factions and their ability to know when to bend rather than break.
The ruling Pheu Thai Party, according to observers, exemplifies such parties.
Regardless of how hard the party tries to distance itself from former premier Thaksin Shinawatra, there is no denying it traces its origin back to the now-defunct Thai Rak Thai Party co-founded by Thaksin.
Pheu Thai is also closely associated with other Shinawatras: former prime minister Yingluck Shinawatra — Thaksin’s younger sister and now living in self-imposed exile after fleeing a criminal conviction for turning a blind eye to graft in the rice-pledging scheme — and Paetongtarn Shinawatra, Thaksin’s youngest daughter. She leads Pheu Thai and is the party’s prime ministerial candidate.
There is a solid reason for Thaksin to disassociate himself from the party. He is well aware of the law that prohibits an outsider from meddling with or influencing a political party’s affairs — an offence punishable by party dissolution.
The observers said Thaksin remains an imposing figure in Pheu Thai despite being a non-member.
However, his critics have accused him of pulling strings through his daughter, although party supporters have jumped to Ms Paetongtarn’s defence, saying she has risen through the ranks and became its leader on merit.
Mr Srettha and Ms Paetongtarn were both Pheu Thai’s prime ministerial candidates in last year’s general election. Speculation was rife at one point that Ms Paetongtarn was being groomed for the premiership.
However, Pheu Thai’s aspirations to stage a landslide victory with 300-plus MPs were foiled when the Move Forward Party (MFP), an ally in the so-called pro-democracy bloc, outperformed it by bagging more MPs to become the biggest party.
Pheu Thai had pledged to stick with the MFP in forming a government together despite the chances of doing so becoming dimmer with each passing day.
When it was time to part company, with Pheu Thai opting to establish a government with parties from the Prayut Chan-o-cha administration, speculation about Ms Paetongtarn becoming the third Shinawatra to be prime minister after her father and aunt were suddenly revived.
However, this was soon eclipsed by talk within Pheu Thai that Mr Srettha, viewed by some as a prime ministerial nomination decoy, would be the real deal.
But it was rumoured, even after Mr Srettha was sworn in as premier, that he was merely “filling in” for Ms Paetongtarn until she had learned the ropes and acquired the political finesse needed to handle the top job.
The observers said that for Mr Srettha to realise his goal of completing his four-year term as prime minister, he will have to overcome what’s thrown at him on the governmental and party fronts, which will not be a piece of cake.
He has to show he can deliver on Pheu Thai’s flagship election promises, such as the digital wallet handout scheme.
A misstep could see him sent packing from Government House and isolated in Pheu Thai, with which he has little attachment and no substantial control over any faction within it.