Daily Sabah (Turkey)

HEADLINES FROM TRUMP’S ASIA TRIP

Due to the presence of many factors it becomes hard to understand the U.S.’s plans in Asia, and after Trump’s visit, his administra­tion has a difficult job of explaining its ‘plan’ for foreign policy

- KILIÇ BUĞRA KANAT

IN ASIA due to the presence of too many factors it becomes hard to understand the plan of the U.S. and the Trump administra­tion’s visit had a difficult job to explain the plan of U.S. foreign policy

When U.S. President Donald Trump’s Asia trip started, I had written in this column, “It is one of those visits that can either be very critical and even historic in terms of its outcomes or be nothing of significan­ce. There is so much uncertaint­y and so many loose parts that can destabiliz­e the region.” One of those uncertaint­ies was regarding U.S. foreign policy towards the region. It was an opportunit­y for the Trump administra­tion to clarify its position in regards to developmen­ts in the region. So far, the only clear issue has become the opposition of Trump to any form of multilater­al trade agreements that will include these countries. And it is actually the most consistent policy of Trump throughout the world.

During his visit to Vietnam, in a meeting of Economic Cooperatio­n, President Trump underlined his commitment for an America first approach, signaling further economic unilateral­ism.

“We are not going to let the United States be taken advantage of anymore. … I am always going to put America first, the same way that I expect all of you in this room to put your countries first,” he said.

In an age of increasing economic cooperatio­n and free trade negotiatio­ns, the statements seemed at odds with the current trend and decades-long policy of the U.S. to liberalize economic order and fight trade barriers and protection­ism, but consistent with President Trump’s policy.

“What we will no longer do is enter into large agreements that tie our hands, surrender our sovereignt­y and make meaningful enforcemen­t practicall­y impossible,” he also said.

Of course this policy of economic nationalis­m and anti-multilater­alism has already been generating adverse outcomes. China, for instance, has already been presenting itself as the defender of the liberal economic order around the world. Xi’s speech in the same forum reflected this reality.

In the meantime, the other countries negotiated another trade agreement; excluding the U.S. Eleven countries are running the negotiatin­g with the leadership of Japan. This situation signals a new economic order, and it is not clear if the U.S. is ready to handle such an order. In an age of increasing relevance of geo-economics, protection­ist policies may bring challengin­g outcomes for states like the U.S. and result in extremely problemati­c instances.

In other policy areas, the President Trump’s Asia trip brought less clarificat­ion. For instance, during his visit to China, President Trump stated that it’s the former U.S. administra­tion that needs to be blamed for the trade deficit. Thus, he stopped accusing China of “raping” the U.S. economy. This was interprete­d as part of the process of normalizat­ion in economic relations with China. It was actually a process that was launched during the Mar-aLago summit between Xi and Trump. It was also widely reported that Chinese support for resolution of the North Korean crisis was considered as a possible way to resolve trade problems with the U.S.

However, in his speech at the same forum, President Trump targeted China once more without naming it. His words against “government-run industrial planning and state-owned enterprise­s” and “product dumping, subsidized goods, currency manipulati­on and predatory industrial policies” definitely targeted China’s economic practices that he frequently criticized during his run for the presidency. Thus, the inconsiste­ncy in the discourse continued, but he managed to have a clear distinctio­n between policy and politics.

One of the vague areas remaining was the issue of North Korea. President Trump made various statements sometimes at odds with his earlier positions. In Japan, President Trump made a strong commitment to work together against the North Korean regime.

In a speech he said, “No dictator, no regime, no nation should ever underestim­ate American resolve. … Every once in a while, in the past, they underestim­ated us. It was not pleasant for them, was it? ... We will never yield, never waver and never falter in defense of our freedom.”

This clear message against North Korea later turned into a competitio­n between Trump and Kim. After Kim’s insults, President Trump tweeted, “Why would Kim Jongun insult me by calling me ‘old,’ when I would NEVER call him ‘short and fat?” Later however, he said he could meet with Kim, and he would be capable of getting a better deal. This situation once more generated inconsiste­ncies and controvers­ies.

In China, he thanked China for its support in this case; however, again in Vietnam he asked for a collective enterprise to deal with this threat. So as of today, we don’t know what the U.S. is looking for in regards to North Korea.

This synopsis of Trump’s statements demonstrat­ed continuous challenges that the U.S. administra­tion and U.S. allies will face in the coming months in regards to the direction of U.S. foreign policy. Due to the presence of many factors it becomes hard to understand the U.S.’s plans in Asia, and after Trump’s visit, his administra­tion has a difficult job of explaining its “plan” for foreign policy.

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 ??  ?? President Donald Trump watches as young girls wave U.S. and Vietnamese national flags before boarding Air Force One to depart to the Philippine­s, at the airport in Hanoi, Vietnam, Nov. 12.
President Donald Trump watches as young girls wave U.S. and Vietnamese national flags before boarding Air Force One to depart to the Philippine­s, at the airport in Hanoi, Vietnam, Nov. 12.
 ??  ?? Kılıç Buğra Kanat
Kılıç Buğra Kanat

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