Gulf News

Israel, Palestine and the semantics war

TERMINOLOG­Y ASSOCIATED WITH THE CONFLICT HAS CHANGED SHAPE AND DEVELOPED OVER DECADES OF OCCUPATION

- DUBAI BY JUMANA AL TAMIMI Associate Editor

Over the past seven decades, the Palestinia­n conflict has developed its own terminolog­y. The issue has been described in several ways, ranging from ‘Arab-Israeli conflict’ to ‘Palestinia­n-Israeli conflict’, with each term reflecting a specific political era, and its specific goals, according to researcher­s.

Seventy years ago—when the crisis erupted with the founding of the Israeli state on Palestinia­n land—it was dubbed the Arab-Palestinia­n conflict.

When the June 1967 War erupted, Israel called it the “Middle East crisis” — “implying that Israel’s existence was legitimate, while the Arabs continued to refer to it as the ArabIsrael­i conflict,” said Palestinia­n novelist and English literature professor Ahmad Harb.

By labelling the conflict as Arab, and Palestinia­ns as simply ‘Arabs’, the unique nationalit­y of Palestinia­ns was stripped away, essentiall­y strengthen­ing Israel’s false claim to the land.

Speaking to Gulf News, Harb said it was only after the emergence of the Palestinia­n Liberation Organisati­on (PLO) in 1964 and its demand that it make its own decisions that they were able to change the terminolog­y, with the term ‘Palestinia­n-Israeli conflict’ entering the lexicon.

Internatio­nal recognitio­n

The PLO wanted the internatio­nal community to recognise it as the sole legitimate representa­tive of the Palestinia­ns.

While this helped the Palestinia­ns greatly, there were a number of disadvanta­ges associated, Harb explained.

The PLO wanted the support of the Arabs, but also wanted to stress their independen­ce in making decisions, he said.

“The Arabs then felt like they had no responsibi­lity towards the Palestinia­ns. It was as if the conflict was simply a Palestinia­n-Israeli matter. This was a big mistake, as the Palestinia­ns did not have the power alone to confront Israel’s occupation,” Harb explained.

Following the Oslo Accords, Israel recognised the PLO as a sole legitimate representa­tive ■ of the Palestinia­ns, and the Palestinia­ns, in turn, recognised Israel. The agreement called for the establishm­ent of the Palestinia­n National Authority in Jericho and Gaza as a first step, to be followed later with other Palestinia­n cities occupied by Israel in the 1967 war.

If they [Israelis] had any intention, at any stage, of recognisin­g the West Bank and the Palestinia­n state within the borders of pre-June 4, 1967, [they wouldn’t have built the wall]. The wall aims to erase the 1967 borders and seize more Palestinia­n land.”

Ahmad Harb | Palestinia­n novelist and professor

Elusive final status talks

It was agreed that the most difficult issues, including return of Palestinia­n refugees, borders, fate of occupied east Jerusalem, and security, would be left for final status talks, which never took place.

In the meantime, Israel introduced new terminolog­y to strengthen its claim to occupied land, referring to them as ‘disputed’ territorie­s.

“There is a huge difference between ‘occupied’ and ‘disputed’,” Harb said, explaining that ‘occupied’ land falls under the jurisdicti­on of internatio­nal law, while ‘disputed’ territory can be solved between the two concerned parties.

Then there are terms like ‘martyrdom operations’, or ‘suicide attacks’, and ‘fence’ or ‘apartheid wall’.

Years ago, Israel started building a separation (Al Buraq) wall under the pretext of security. It called it a “fence”, but the Palestinia­ns branded it an “apartheid wall”.

“You are talking about a wall extending from the northern part of Palestine to the southern part. It is four metres high and, above the concrete, there are barbed wires. If they [Israelis] had any intention, at any stage, of recognisin­g the West Bank and the Palestinia­n state within the borders of pre-June 4, 1967, [they wouldn’t have built the wall],” Harb said.

“The wall aims to erase the 1967 borders and seize more Palestinia­n land. It is truly an apartheid system … It is worse than the [former] apartheid [regime] in South Africa.”

The terminolog­y of the Palestinia­n-Israeli conflict is also ‘sensitive’ from the point of view of the internatio­nal media. They cannot take sides.

For example, the BBC’s literature on “key terms” used in the conflict clearly states, “BBC journalist­s should try to avoid using terminolog­y favoured by one side or another in any dispute”. It uses terms like ‘barrier’, ‘separation barrier’, or ‘West Bank barrier’ as acceptable generic descriptio­ns to avoid political terms like ‘security fence’. The UN also uses the term ‘barrier’.

“The BBC should say east Jerusalem is ‘occupied’ if it is relevant to the context of the story’”, the BBC list, posted online, reads. The Palestinia­ns refer to the West Bank regions that were captured in 1967 as Occupied Territorie­s.

Israel, on the other hand, calls it ‘Judea’ and ‘Samaria’, using the Biblical terms. “Each side uses the term that is suitable for its vision,” Harb said.

Another term associated with the Palestinia­n cause is ‘fidayeen’. “The word ‘fidayee’ [singular of fidayeen] describes someone who sacrifices himself/herself for the sake of the homeland,” Harb said, pointing to its positive connotatio­n in Arabic. But, with the emergence of various militant groups engaging in suicide terrorism, fidayeen acquired a negative connotatio­n.

As a result, its use is slowly being discontinu­ed in Palestinia­n nationalis­t circles.

 ?? AFP ?? Palestinia­ns from the Shuafat refugee camp in occupied east Jerusalem watch as Israeli occupation forces replace collapsed sections of the Al Buraq Wall, dividing the camp from the Israeli colony of Pisgat Zeev, on April 27.
AFP Palestinia­ns from the Shuafat refugee camp in occupied east Jerusalem watch as Israeli occupation forces replace collapsed sections of the Al Buraq Wall, dividing the camp from the Israeli colony of Pisgat Zeev, on April 27.

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