Time for Serbia and Kosovo to end feud

An agreement by the leaders of the two countries to work jointly for accession to the EU will prove that the European project still exerts enormous soft power

There are other reasons a swap might not work. For one, it would be extremely messy. Most of Kosovo’s Serbs live south of the Ibar. Any transfer of land would put them at a disadvantage compared with Serbs from north Kosovo, and they’d be under pressure to leave.

Then there is Russia, which has consistently backed Serbia on the Kosovo issue, refusing to recognise the former province as a state or allow it to join the United Nations. But it has also indicated it would welcome any deal Serbia and Kosovo come to by themselves. A land swap would be, at least superficially, a favourable outcome for the Kremlin, which would gain a measure of legitimacy in pushing for similar solutions for the frozen conflicts it has created with Moldova, Georgia and Ukraine. That’s not an outcome most Western powers would be happy to accept.

The arguments in favour of a deal are equally powerful. Former Yugoslav countries have shown they are perfectly able to agree on borders. In March, the Kosovo parliament ratified a border demarcation agreement with Montenegro, which the EU required as a condition of allowing Kosovo citizens free travel. The deal was opposed by Kosovo nationalists who claimed it led to a territorial loss, but it happened nonetheless.

That agreement could set a precedent for a more momentous deal between Serbia and Kosovo. Besides, if such a deal can smoothen the path into the EU for both countries — they would be required to bury the hatchet before they could join — the national jurisdiction over a few towns and villages would all but lose meaning within a generation’s lifespan as borders between the EU members become irrelevant.

An agreement by the leaders of Serbia and Kosovo to work jointly for accession to the EU would be proof the European project continues to exert enormous soft power. The role of Kurz, who has been widely criticised for forming a government with far-right populists, shows the EU’s resilience and determination to expand despite what may look like strong centrifugal forces. If Vucic and Thaci can find a way to an agreement, the EU will be more than compensated for the indignity of Brexit: It’ll be hard to dispute its ability to heal even relatively fresh war scars. And if there’s no deal yet, Europe can be patient, too.