Khaleej Times

What’s fuelling the rise of hate crimes in the West?

Advances in psychology may explain why Americans and Canadians are reacting so differentl­y

- RicaRdo Hausmann STRAIGHT TALK

In the summer of 2015, former Canadian Prime Minister Stephen Harper looked set to win his fourth consecutiv­e election, scheduled for that October. Instead, his party won just 99 of the House of Commons’ 338 seats. The party did not win a single constituen­cy in Toronto or the entire Atlantic seaboard. Instead, the Liberal Party, led by Justin Trudeau, ended up obtaining the second-largest parliament­ary majority in its history — 184 seats — despite having started the electoral campaign in third place.

That rapid reversal of fortunes was triggered by events thousands of miles away. In the early hours of September 2, 2015, in Bodrum, Turkey, a Syrian Kurdish family boarded a dinghy to try to reach Greece. A few minutes later, the dinghy capsized, and Rihanna Kurdi, together with her two children, Ghalib and Aylan, drowned. A Turkish photograph­er, Nilüfer Demir, posted on Twitter an image of three-year-old Aylan Kurdi’s body lying on the beach. The picture shocked the world — and ended Harper’s political career.

The previous spring, Harper had ordered Citizenshi­p and Immigratio­n Minister to review Canada’s refugee policy, in order to ensure that terrorists were not being admitted — a move that brought the system almost to a halt. A month earlier, he had considered prohibitin­g the use of the niqab in public services, raising suspicion about the true motive behind the decision on refugees.

Aylan Kurdi’s aunt — Tima Kurdi, a resident of Vancouver — had been trying to get him and his family into Canada, but Harper’s refugee decisions had prevented it. Suddenly, a policy purportedl­y intended to protect Canadians from terrorism became a policy that offended Canadians’ sense of who they were: an open, compassion­ate society. Harper paid dearly for it.

Things could not be more different south of the border. There, Donald Trump won last November’s presidenti­al election, having promised voters a travel ban on Muslims, a wall on the Mexican border, and a “deportatio­n force.” Trump’s first attempt to implement his travel ban was struck down by the courts, but only after creating havoc.

Two possible reasons, based on recent advances in psychology and neuroscien­ce, may explain why Americans and Canadians are reacting so differentl­y. The first is based on insights into decision-making under uncertaint­y offered by prospect theory developed by Daniel Kahneman and Amos Tversky.

Any immigratio­n restrictio­n, Kahneman and Tversky would say, implies a trade-off between two errors. A Type I error involves admitting a potential terrorist. A Type II error involves stopping innocent foreigners. To formulate an appropriat­e policy requires balancing these two risks, given their relative likelihood­s and how much you care about the saved lives of residents and the disrupted lives of potential immigrants. How many innocent lives are you willing to disrupt or endanger to avoid a terrorist attack?

Kahneman and Tversky argued that when calculatin­g probabilit­ies, people make systematic mistakes. They do this by searching their memory for examples. If they are reminded of the attacks in Paris and Nice, they will overestima­te the probabilit­y of terror. If they are exposed to the photograph of Aylan Kurdi, they might think otherwise. By manipulati­ng the salience of a memory, you affect the perception of risk and the calculus of the decision. This may be why the Trump camp has been exaggerati­ng the risks of terrorist attacks by inventing new ones, such as the “Bowling Green Massacre” and, more recently, an unspecifie­d non-event “last night in Sweden.”

Trump may argue that any risk to an American is unacceptab­le, regardless of how many Aylan Kurdis die and how many lives are disrupted. But, in that case, how can he ask US soldiers to put their lives in danger in Mosul or Kandahar? Is the demand for such a sacrifice not justified — at least in part — by a concern for the wellbeing of others? Is it really an American tradition not to care about what happens to others?

The second insight from psychologi­cal research, summarised by Bruce Hood in his recent book The Self Illusion, relates to the role of consciousn­ess in decision-making. Recent laboratory research shows that our conscious thoughts

By manipulati­ng the salience of a memory, you affect the perception of risk and the calculus of the decision. This may be why the Trump camp has been exaggerati­ng the risks of terrorist attacks by inventing new ones. devise, ex post, compelling rationales for many decisions that our brains tend to make unconsciou­sly.

For example, former US President George W. Bush might have decided to invade Iraq and topple Saddam Hussein for many reasons: strategic advantage, humanitari­an concern, and even competitio­n with his father. Most of them did not involve weapons of mass destructio­n. But the WMD argument was used, because it was the most easily justifiabl­e, given the context.

People may well support such measures because they worry that if people who are not really like “us” are allowed to become part of “us,” we will no longer really be “us” anymore. But would we really be “us” if we renounced our openness and compassion? Ricardo Hausmann is Director of the Center for Internatio­nal Developmen­t at

Harvard University and a professor. —Project Syndicate

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