Khaleej Times

Military looms large over election

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islamabad — Accusation­s of military interferen­ce, encroachin­g extremism and a series of deadly attacks have cast an alarming shadow over Pakistan’s hopes for a rare democratic transition of power in next week’s election.

Observers have slammed “blatant” attempts to manipulate the ballot, which will see the brother of a recently jailed three-time prime minister face off against a former World Cup-winning cricketer for leadership of the nuclear-armed nation, whose short history is peppered by coups and assassinat­ions.

A series of deadly attacks in midJuly has further darkened the mood, denting optimism over hard-won security for the country of 207 million.

“Whatever its result, the July 25 election will only increase Pakistan’s instabilit­y,” says former Pakistan diplomat Husain Haqqani. “It will be an election without winners.”

Nearly 106 million Pakistanis, including more than 19 million new voters, will choose a successor to the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N), which took power in 2013 and hopes for a new mandate under leader Shahbaz Sharif.

Its biggest challenger is the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI), led by former national cricket captain Imran Khan, seen in the West as a celebrity playboy but who turns a devout face towards Pakistan.

A third choice, the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) of Bilawal Bhutto Zardari — son of slain premier Benazir Bhutto — could become kingmakers, forming a coalition with the winner.

The brief, acrimoniou­s campaign has been overshadow­ed by a tug-ofwar between two actors who cannot even hold office: former premier Nawaz Sharif, ousted over corruption and banned from politics; and the military.

Nawaz Sharif — older brother of Shahbaz — accuses the generals of targeting his party, including intimidati­ng his candidates to switch allegiance­s, particular­ly in Punjab province.

Punjab holds the key to power under Pakistan’s first-past-the-post system, with a potential 141 out of 342 seats in the National Assembly, 272 of which are directly elected.

The stand-off between Sharif and the military peaked earlier this month, when he was sentenced in absentia to 10 years in prison for corruption.

One week later, he returned to Pakistan from London, where his wife is receiving cancer treatment, and was promptly imprisoned. Analysts say the PML-N’s fate rests on his ability to frame himself as the victim of a military conspiracy. He is not alone in his accusation­s against the generals. Major Pakistani media outlets and activists have increasing­ly complained of kidnapping­s and intimidati­on in recent months.

The pressure, branded a “silent coup” by one think tank, seeks to censor coverage of certain topics and parties ahead of the election, they say. The PML-N appears to be the main focus, though Bilawal has also complained his campaign is being hampered.

There is a widespread belief that the generals prefer a weak civilian government who will not seek to rebalance the power between it and the security establishm­ent.

“The military is clearly trying to create a new generation of leadership,” says security analyst Ayesha Siddiqa.

Khan is seen as the beneficiar­y of that favour, allowed to move freely around Pakistan and proclaim his ambition to build an “Islamic welfare state”. His chances of running the country are considered the best they have ever been. The military, which has ruled Pakistan for roughly half its history, denies the allegation­s and says it takes “no direct role” in the election. It is set to deploy more than 370,000 soldiers on polling day.

The independen­t Human Rights Commission of Pakistan has declared itself “gravely concerned over what it sees as blatant, aggressive and unabashed attempts to manipulate” the elections. “While it is critical that the polls are held as scheduled, there are now ample grounds to doubt their legitimacy — with alarming implicatio­ns for Pakistan’s transition to an effective democracy,” it said this week. —

Whatever its result, the July 25 election will only increase Pakistan’s instabilit­y Hussain Haqqani, former diplomat

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