EU struggles to find its softer side in midst of refugee crisis

ust a few years ago, even as Europe finally battled out of a prolonged recession, it seemed to remain committed to a couple of core values that were held sacrosanct: That the European Union is a grand and noble cause, and humanist liberal values will continue to shape an ideal future. Countries vowed to set aside their differences and work together for common prosperity following WWII, creating a union of advanced, mutually supportive nations that would use the highest principles to shape a shared future. It wasn’t utopia, but it had the scent of utopian theory.

A wave of immigrants that surged in 2015 and continues today laid bare the weakness of intellectual theory. The reality is that Europe comprises proud, nationalistic people who value their time-honoured traditions. The borders may be open, but all minds are not.

The immigration crisis has brought a level of conflict to Europe not seen since the Cold War. Today the EU might not be in tatters, but it is looking increasingly threadbare.

In Germany, Chancellor Angela Merkel seems to be fighting for her political life, with the Bavarian CSU threatening to walk away from her coalition government over immigration policy. France’s Emmanuel Macron has been unable to push forward his ambitious vision of an ever-more united EU, while the UK is struggling with the Brexit initiative largely fuelled by EU immigration policies.

Italy, which bore the brunt of the immigration wave, now has an unlikely government coalition of two anti-establishment parties that not only challenge the status quo in Italy but also the EU. The post-communist EU democracies, especially Hungary and Poland, oppose any plan that would allow entry and resettlement of immigrants in their countries.

Complex Europe does not speak with the same voice on many issues, but there is a clear call to stop further immigration as citizens rediscover or reassert their national identities. According to a recent poll by Pew, 53 per cent of Europeans from 15 countries believe that having a family background from their national culture is essential to be considered a part of the nation.

Once solid Germany, which seemed the most EU-centric and humanist following its actions in WWII, might be the best litmus test of declining European cohesion. The southern state of Bavaria opened the country’s first controversial processing centres for migrants earlier this month following a feud over asylum policy that nearly brought down the government.

The facilities are part of Interior Minister Horst Seehofer’s plan to reduce the number of asylum seekers in Germany by speeding up the asylum process and fast-tracking deportations of unsuccessful applicants.

Seehofer, who is now the interior minister, is also demanding an upper limit on the number of refugees coming into Germany, a step Merkel long opposed. Though refugee arrivals to Germany have fallen sharply, the CSU is asking for further concessions because the party that has ruled Bavaria almost without interruption since WWII faces a difficult state election in October, with polls predicting it will lose its absolute majority. Many Bavarians frustrated with the federal government’s course on migration have defected to the anti-immigrant Alternative for Germany party.

Even the EU’s open borders, long seen as a crowning achievement, are being drawn into question. Many believe that if Germany closes its border to stop the arrival of migrants from Italy, other countries would soon follow, leading to the collapse of the open-border Schengen zone.

At a ‘mini-summit’ in June, Italian Prime Minister Giuseppe Conte presented a plan from his government that represented a fundamental shift in dealing with migration, but his ambitious move to change what he called obsolete EU rules that govern who is responsible for asylum claimants has encountered opposition from other countries.

The 10-point plan by his new government revives many ideas proposed by previous Italian governments, such as calling on all EU member states to share responsibility for migrants rescued at sea and countries being fined by withholding EU funds if they refuse to take in refugees. Italy is seeking to break the link between the country that rescues migrants and the country obliged to process asylum claims. Under the current rules, an EU country is responsible for processing the asylum claims of all new arrivals on its shores, which has put enormous pressure on Mediterranean states, especially

Under the current rules, an EU country is responsible for processing the asylum claims of all new arrivals on its shores, which has put enormous pressure on Mediterranean states, especially Italy and Greece

Italy and Greece.

And as the EU hardens its borders, its members are facing up to a hard reality: Political policies are not abstract. They carry real consequences. Humanist values advocated by the enlightened elite sound great in philosophy classes, but asking the entire tax-paying public to become altruistic, or even sacrificing, for the less fortunate from another country is not realistic over the long haul.

So, as Europe struggles to stop the flow of immigrants and accommodate those already on its shores, the EU is taking a long look in the mirror and considering its real identity. More pragmatic policies that meet the needs of the grassroots populace are not only desirable, they are required. The demand has already arrived.