Khaleej Times

Muslims are soft targets as world deals with crises

- Azeem ibrAhim Azeem Ibrahim, PhD, is director of Displaceme­nt and Migration Program at Center for Global Policy in Washington, DC, and a 2009 Yale World Fellow

Islamophob­ia used to be a local problem among nationalis­t reactionar­ies in countries with substantia­l Muslim immigrant population­s. Today, the fear is emerging into an organising principle for an internatio­nal “axis of evil,” whereby nationalis­t populist forces in many countries who would otherwise have little interest in supporting one another, find common ground and organise alliances around a shared hostility toward Muslims — along with associated issues like migration, demographi­c trends, liberal internatio­nal institutio­ns and norms, and so on.

Why would, for example, Viktor Orbán, the leader of a small nation in the middle of Europe with virtually no Muslim population meet with Aung San Suu Kyi, the leader of an isolated country on the other side of Eurasia that has engaged in genocide against its largest Muslim minority? To discuss the existentia­l issues of “growing Muslim population­s” and what they deem as the “Western-liberal fake news media,” of course. Of like minds are Narendra Modi of India, Matteo Salvini of Italy and Donald Trump of the United States. And those are just the vocal proponents in power. Similar notable figures are depending on this path to power in an increasing number of countries, including Austria, France, Germany, the Benelux and Scandinavi­an countries, and increasing­ly in Southeast Asia and China.

All come with their own local flavour and spin to their rhetoric, weaving hostility towards Muslims into a broader opposition to migration and liberal values. Except for the shared Islamophob­ia, these diverse politician­s might do not have much of a shared world-view — even when they do have practical common interests.

The peculiar convergenc­e on this issue among such different movements in such disparate countries is, of course, a complex phenomenon with multiple and diverse causal links and feedback loops. I can highlight two, one a push factor and another a pull factor. The push factor is that we live in increasing­ly politicall­y unstable states. With the advent of the internet and social media, we have unregulate­d, and unregulata­ble, flows of informatio­n directly among most of our citizens. This creates an unstable informatio­n environmen­t.

This is coupled with an ideologica­l commitment to a notion of democracy, which empowers the individual with whatever reality he or she chooses, entitling them to expect “customer satisfacti­on” from their politician­s. If politics is the activity of organising the collective endeavours of society, then such destabilis­ation of reality cripples the very possibilit­y of politics. In this environmen­t, political leaders are pushed to come up with any narrative that can organise their societies towards some shared vision or goal.

For some, this narrative revolves around Islamophob­ia. At a basic level, the most effective narratives for political coordinati­on have tended to be us-versus-them stories. This tendency is, from the evolutiona­ry point of view, a much faster, less time-consuming way to encourage humans to cooperate than, say, requiring or waiting for all individual­s to develop detailed appreciati­on over how general pro-social behavior are conducive to one’s self-interest.

Some political leaders have appointed Islam as the “other” side in this story. Two aspects of history are particular­ly relevant. First, Islam is the most recent of the major religions to emerge dramatical­ly from the geographic­al centre of the Eurasian landmass, as the state religion of a highly expansioni­st and successful empire.

Second, the undisputed cultural and political hegemon in the post–Cold War era, the United States, despite having little history with Islam, took a keen and negative interest in the religion after the 9/11 attacks on New York City and Washington, DC. The rhetoric and actions of the United States in the wake of those attacks, perpetrate­d by 19 men acting on behalf of the terrorist group Al Qaeda, elevated Islam to the position of Enemy Number 1 for the global cultural community over which the sole superpower presides. In the final analysis, Islam is a target of convenienc­e in a world destabilis­ed by technologi­cal and communicat­ion revolution­s, increasing­ly edging towards environmen­tal collapse.

Many of the challenges confrontin­g our world today are global: climate change, resource depletion, nuclear proliferat­ion, increasing geopolitic­al destabilis­ation and so on. These are complex problems with complex solutions.

But scapegoati­ng does not solve crises. And focusing on invented threats wastes political energy required to address existentia­l challenges from climate change to resource depletion. Muslims are not out to invade the West. What is threatenin­g the West are unpreceden­ted heatwaves, rising seas, droughts, polar vortexes, more frequent hurricanes and massive forest fires. No amount of border fencing can stop these invaders. And wealthy nations can expect to suffer as people from poorer countries do. Instead on focusing on the actual problems, populists invent easier enemies to confront — perhaps to mask the impotence or lack of real solutions to real problems. —Yale Global

Focusing on invented threats wastes political energy required to address existentia­l challenges from climate change to resource depletion. Muslims are not out to invade the West

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