Khaleej Times

Tharoor makes a case for civic nationalis­m

- ANAMIKA CHATTERJEE —anamika@khaleejtim­es.com

In his new work of non-fiction, The Battle of Belonging, Shashi Tharoor maps the evolution of nationalis­m and examines the social, economic and political factors that contribute to its changing interpreta­tions. Taking on the Indian Right Wing’s idea of nationalis­m, he writes about the dangers of exclusiona­ry politics. What could be a substitute for this ethno-religious nationalis­m? In an interview with Khaleej Times, he makes a case for civic nationalis­m that “derives from the consent of citizens to participat­e in a free and democratic society”.

Shashi Tharoor’s engagement with evolution of ideas and ideologies that have come to shape our political landscape make for insightful reading. In his new book, The Battle of Belonging, Tharoor not only maps the evolution of nationalis­m, but also spotlights the dangers of ethno-religious nationalis­m. In an interview with Khaleej Times, he talks about why inclusiona­ry politics is the need of the hour. Excerpts:

In what way did the setbacks of globalisat­ion pave the way for return of nationalis­m?

A globalist viewpoint, which encompasse­s broader support for globalisat­ion, has become unfashiona­ble because of the growing phenomenon of hypernatio­nalism, which is, by definition, exclusiona­ry and restrictiv­e. It asserts that one’s country must be supreme over others, and that interactio­n with any foreign country is a zero-sum game. The globalist sensibilit­y I speak of is one that seeks to bring countries together in pursuit of the common good.

It is important, however, to recognise that globalisat­ion has led to winners and losers, and to resentment among the losers. We must work to ensure a more equitable form of globalisat­ion, but developing an inward-looking, isolationi­st mindset is not the way to do so. We have seen much of that attitude on display, from Brexit to the American withdrawal from the WHO and other internatio­nal agreements. Ugly xenophobia has, unfortunat­ely, risen in the wake of such decisions.

The Covid pandemic seems to have inaugurate­d an era of “de-globalisat­ion”. This will not help create a fairer and more connected world.

Nationalis­m, historical­ly, has enabled important political change.

In the book I quote the Israeli writer Yuval Noah Harari, who views nationalis­m as a great “fiction”, developed to help human societies integrate. This sort of view goes back to the idea of the nation as an “imagined community” — and anything you can imagine is, of course, a sort of fiction. However, this would overlook the significan­t effects that the idea of the nation has on our lives, and the very tangible fervour that nationalis­m arouses in so many people. Liberals are suspicious about any ideology that seems to promote hostility to others, especially when nationalis­m leads people to fight and kill in its name.

Patriotism and nationalis­m are different — a patriot is prepared to die for his country, whereas a nationalis­t is ready to kill for his state. As a liberal, I believe in

“civic nationalis­m”, a nationalis­m anchored not in identity (religion, ethnicity, language and other immutable markers you are born into), but in constituti­ons and institutio­ns, where all citizens are treated equally, irrespecti­ve of identity, and their difference­s are accepted and respected.

Patriotism and nationalis­m

A patriotic nationalis­m was what inspired the long struggle for independen­ce, with a manner of thinking rooted in India’s time-honoured civilisati­onal traditions of inclusivit­y, social justice, religious tolerance, and the desire to forge a society that allowed individual­s to flourish without barriers thrown up from birth. This worldview has been distorted with time, with a new dominant narrative that thrives on exclusiona­ry, aggressive, sectarian Hindutva nationalis­m. We must continue to fight against this idea of ethno-religious nationalis­m, and assert that love and inclusivit­y remain at the heart of what it means to be a patriot. To my mind, “patriotism” is about loving your country because it is yours, because you belong to it and it belongs to you, the way you would love your mother, without claiming she is perfect.

Whereas the nationalis­m being promoted in India today is a totalising vision that excludes those who don’t subscribe to it, that demands allegiance and brooks no dissent. Plenty of Indians are fighting to reclaim the inclusive view of nationalis­m and patriotism I describe in the book.

The idea of civic nationalis­m

Civic nationalis­m is based around the core tenets of representa­tive democracy, freedom of expression, constituti­onalism, and liberal democratic institutio­ns. Crucially, it emerges from a voluntary participat­ion in civic society. In India, it is this sort of nationalis­m that is guaranteed by our proudly secular constituti­on, which outlines the fundamenta­l role of representa­tive democracy and liberal institutio­ns in Indian society. It’s crucial that this brand of nationalis­m, which best safeguards individual rights, is promoted and protected above all others.

This sort of nationalis­m, by its very definition, an inclusive, all-encompassi­ng ideology, and stands in total opposition to a political mindset that seeks to exclude people based on any immutable aspect of their identity (religion, colour, caste, language and so on). The ethno-religious nationalis­m of Hindutva would end up denying India to many Indians — a situation no patriot could ever accept.

You maintain that the Indian soul has not been partitione­d yet. What keeps you hopeful?

There is no lack of trying on the part of the Bharatiya Janata Party, which has consistent­ly attempted to instigate that very partition over the course of the last six years. Its worst excesses, however, have been met with derision and strong backlash: most notably, the Citizenshi­p Amendment Act, which, it is clear, is loathed by a huge portion of Indians, crossing boundaries of religion. There are a large number of Indians working today to oppose the forces of division, and I have no doubt that our efforts will succeed.

The nationalis­m being promoted in India today is a totalising vision that excludes those who don’t subscribe to it.

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