The National - News

Kurdish crisis requires caution and moderation

- HUSSEIN IBISH

Kurdistan regional government chief Masoud Barzani had briefly basked in the afterglow of an Iraqi Kurdish independen­ce referendum, which he insisted on and pushed through despite the warnings of all outside parties. And then, this week, the roof fell in all around him.

Mr Barzani could not have misplayed his hand more disastrous­ly if he had tried. His supporters say that, for everyone other than the Kurds, there will never be a “convenient” time for a push towards Kurdish independen­ce. That doesn’t relieve Kurdish leaders from the responsibi­lity of sensible national leadership that will advance, not severely harm, the cause of eventual de facto independen­ce.

Hostile forces, including the Iraqi army, its counterter­rorism units, popular mobilisati­on forces and Iranian Quds forces descended on a series of disputed territorie­s in and around Kirkuk and have seized possession of about 80 per cent of Erbil’s oil resources.

The key factor has been Kurdish disunity in the face of Iranian determinat­ion. Mr. Barzani’s rivals in the PUK, along with various other movements and even some of his own factions, essentiall­y stepped aside for an Iranian-led offensive that the divided Kurds were unable to resist.

This was telegraphe­d by a statement by Bafel Talabani who presented the PUK stance as a responsibl­e refusal to get involved in disputes that could start another war inside Iraq. However, of course, it was just as much an effort to turn Mr Barzani’s mind-boggling miscalcula­tions against him in domestic Kurdish politics.

General Qassem Suleimani, leader of the Iranian Revolution­ary Guard Corps and head of the Iran’s regional expedition­ary vanguard, visited Kirkuk earlier this week and PUK leaders and other important Kurdish figures, were read the riot act. The Iranians and their allies made it very clear resistance would not be tolerated and that Tehran and Baghdad would combine, with the tacit support of Ankara and Washington, their forces to crush Kurdish units trying to keep hold of Kirkuk and disputed oilfields.

This was obviously very bad news for the Kurds, but it did allow the PUK to begin to turn the screws on Mr Barzani and turn the developmen­t at least to their political advantage in their rivalry with him and his party.

Therefore when the Iraqis and the Iranians moved on the disputed territorie­s, the PUK and the other groups essentiall­y stepped aside. Apparently the Kurds are consolidat­ing their forces to protect their last major oilfield; this is a very important goal. It’s not in anybody’s interest for the KRG to be totally bankrupt and non-functional.

Meanwhile, making matters worse, Mr Barzani appears to have disappeare­d. The situation is so disastrous and anger against his miscalcula­tions is running so deep, that he is, it would seem, effectivel­y in hiding against a potential assassinat­ion. This is certainly what it looks like and if he is not trying to communicat­e that message, it’s another terrible miscalcula­tion.

But the situation has become so delicate and fraught that almost anything within the realm of possibilit­y could now happen.

The Kurds are clearly reeling, still trying to comprehend the scope, swiftness and magnitude of their losses, and the fact that their own disunity was the key factor contributi­ng to that.

Mr Barzani and his supporters note that Baghdad and Tehran have long coveted the recapture of Kirkuk, and that they are using the referendum as a cynical excuse for acting on that long-standing territoria­l ambition. That’s probably true, but what Mr Barzani and company need to explain is why they decided to help them in that endeavour so thoroughly.

The way that the referendum was carried out, despite serious and even dire warnings from all parties, including Washington, strongly indicated that in the aftermath of the vote, not only would nothing change on the ground, but also if Iran or its proxies moved to take advantage of the situation, the Kurds could expect no support from Ankara and Washington, let alone Baghdad.

It is time for everyone to pull back from the lines of confrontat­ion. This can easily spiral out of control

They left themselves with no friends whatsoever and nobody interested in protecting them from this kind of devastatin­g defeat.

In the event, the reaction by Iran and its Iraqi proxies was far more furious and overwhelmi­ng than anyone had anticipate­d. And now everyone has made their points. The Kurds have held a referendum that they should have postponed and conducted in a different way at a different time. But it’s over. Baghdad and Tehran have seized control of large amounts of territory and pitted the PUK against the KDP in a very dramatic way.

Haider Al Abadi, Iraq’s prime minister, has played his hand quite well, although he does appear more dependent on Iran than ever. But with an eye to the election next year, he seems to be in a pretty strong position to win, if not to govern more independen­tly.

It is time for everyone to pull back from the lines of confrontat­ion and take a deep breath. More conflict, more punitive measures against the KRG, and more bitterness among the Kurds themselves, and between them and other Iraqis, will help nothing and no one.

This can all easily spiral out of control, harming everyone. It is an urgent time for moderation and caution now, on all sides.

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