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Why did Trump make his Jerusalem decision? Domestic politics yield a clue

- HUSSEIN IBISH Hussein Ibish is a senior resident scholar at the Arab Gulf States Institute in Washington, DC

Donald Trump’s announceme­nt that Washington recognises Jerusalem as Israel’s capital served neither any US national security imperative whatsoever, nor his broader goals in the region. It undermines them all. Why, then, did he do it?

Mr Trump has said he wants to promote Israeli-Palestinia­n peace. This will make that virtually impossible. He wants to foster a new opening between Israel and Arab states. This pretty much forecloses that too.

He says his priorities are combating terrorism and confrontin­g Iran.

Yet plainly the biggest beneficiar­ies of this in the Middle East, apart from the Israeli right, are precisely terrorist groups like Al Qaeda and ISIL, and, even more, Iran and Hizbollah.

Some argue Mr Trump is just fulfilling a campaign promise. But he has discarded a huge number of campaign promises, even by the standards of ordinary politician­s.

Indeed, the entire populist spirit of his campaign is about to be permanentl­y jettisoned for a tax bill that amounts to a massive transfer of wealth from the poor and the middle class to the wealthy, and particular­ly the wealthiest, Americans.

Indeed, Mr Trump ignored this very campaign promise six months ago when he, like all his predecesso­rs, signed a national security waiver not to move the US embassy from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem. He’s still signing the waiver, but pledges to put the process, which will take at least four years, if not much longer, into motion immediatel­y, and made the symbolic declaratio­n and policy change unequivoca­lly.

He might have avoided the worst harm to US national interests by clearly distinguis­hing between West Jerusalem and occupied East Jerusalem, and recognisin­g only the first as Israel’s capital.

Russia did precisely that in April, and met with virtually no opposition.

The United States plays a different role in the peace process and the Middle East, so any major change of American policy on Jerusalem would have provoked some indignatio­n.

But had he made such a distinctio­n, and clearly stated that the United States was not in any sense recognisin­g Israel’s presence in, or annexation of, occupied East Jerusalem, the fallout probably would have been just about manageable.

He didn’t do that. Why not? And what has changed in the past six months to provoke such a drastic U-turn?

Let’s begin with what this isn’t.

It’s not an expression of Mr Trump’s views or foreign policy. In fact, it runs entirely counter to all of their identifiab­le features.

Second, it has almost nothing to do with Jewish American power, although Mr Trump has a small interest in placating the few wealthy right-wing Jewish Americans, like gambling tycoon Sheldon Adelson, who have amply donated to him.

Instead, the answer does plainly lie in domestic politics, but with a different constituen­cy.

The real targets are fanatical right-wing Evangelica­l Christians, who are devoted to not just Israel but its occupation and, especially, Jerusalem, because of their violent fantasies – which are, ironically, largely anti-Semitic – about the Apocalypse and the second coming.

Mike Pence, the vice-president, is the main broker of this unmitigate­d fiasco, not Jared Kushner.

But why would Mr Trump be scrambling to recklessly trash his own foreign policy to throw red meat at his key Evangelica­l Christian supporters, the most steadfast element of his political base?

Because Robert Mueller’s investigat­ion is inching ever closer to the Oval Office.

Former national security advisor Michael Flynn has turned state’s evidence, and nobody knows what informatio­n he will be sharing to protect himself and his son from serious legal jeopardy.

It’s barely conceivabl­e that Mr Trump is defensive enough to be acting as guiltily as he has been, and appearing to engage in a huge cover-up, without any underlying criminal activity or real legal exposure. But it’s highly unlikely and implausibl­e.

The most recent evidence against this was his bizarre Twitter tirade last week against the FBI, his own federal police, which he denounced as corrupt, tainted and incompeten­t.

Why would any president denounce his own police force in such derisive terms? It’s difficult, if not impossible, not to conclude that he’s terrified of what they may one day confront him with and wishes to lay the groundwork for a broad public claim that they are pursuing a vendetta against him, either because they are already politicall­y tainted or they object to him pointing out their failings in public.

Mr Trump is hovering at a dangerous approval rating of around 35 per cent.

Given the impending and extremely unpopular Republican tax bill, that’s not likely to improve.

If he really does face significan­t legal and political exposure, it makes sense for him to shore up his most loyal supporters immediatel­y and at all costs.

If trashing every articulate­d element of his own Middle East policy goals, abandoning the logic of six months ago, dispensing with the UN charter and the bedrock legal principle of the inadmissib­ility of the acquisitio­n of territory by war, and upending 70 years of US policy and internatio­nal consensus helps, then fine.

This is what circling the wagons in a panic looks like. It will cause incalculab­le harm. But, until the roof falls in completely, it may prove effective.

Trump is hovering at a dangerous approval rating of around 35 per cent and that’s not likely to improve

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